Jean-Baptiste Bado v. US (en banc)
Jean-Baptiste Bado v. US (en banc)
Opinion of the Court
Concurring opinion by Associate Judge Thompson, at page 1266.
Dissenting opinion by Associate Judge Glickman, with whom Associate Judge Fisher joins, at page 1270.
Dissenting opinion by Associate Judge Fisher, with whom Associate Judge Glickman joins, at page 1271.
Ruiz, Senior Judge:
Jean-Baptiste Bado appeals his conviction for misdemeanor sexual abuse of a minor, after a bench trial, on the ground that he was denied the right to a jury trial guaranteed by the Sixth Amendment. The court, sitting en banc, is asked to decide whether the Sixth Amendment guarantees a right to a jury trial to an accused who faces the penalty of removal/deportation
I.
Appellant Jean-Baptiste Bado came to the United States on February 8, 2005, from Burkina Faso, where he was a pastor, fleeing at the time from "systematic[ ] prosecut[ion] and torture[ ]for his political and religious beliefs." Once in this country, he filed an application for asylum. His asylum proceeding continued for several years. It was halted in 2011, however, when he was charged by information with three counts of misdemeanor sexual abuse of a minor
On appeal, a divided panel of the court reversed the conviction after concluding that appellant's right to a jury trial had been violated.
Bado v. United States
,
II.
The Sixth Amendment guarantees a bundle of trial rights to the accused in
"all criminal prosecutions." U.S. CONST. amend. VI. The first of these is "the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury ...."
The Supreme Court has set the parameters of what constitutes a "serious" offense under the Sixth Amendment. It is settled that any offense "where imprisonment for more than six months is authorized" cannot be considered "petty" for purposes of the right to trial by jury.
Baldwin v. New York
,
In
Blanton
the Court applied that test to a conviction for driving under the influence by assessing the statutorily authorized penalties that could be imposed upon conviction for DUI: incarceration from a minimum of two days to a maximum of six months, or, alternatively, 48 hours of community service dressed in clothing identifying the convicted defendant as a DUI offender; a maximum penalty of $1,000; a 90-day suspension of a driver's license; and mandatory attendance at an alcohol abuse education course at the offender's expense.
III.
We apply a
Blanton
analysis in this case. In light of the 180-day maximum exposure to incarceration for misdemeanor sexual abuse of a minor, we begin with the presumption that the offense is "petty" for Sixth Amendment purposes. The question before us is whether the possibility of deportation refutes that presumption. We note the obvious: there is no comparison between the penalty of deportation and the statutory penalties considered in
Blanton
(temporary license suspension, embarrassing clothing to be worn during two days of community service, and alcohol abuse education course) that were deemed not significant enough to render the DUI offense serious under the Sixth Amendment. Like incarceration, deportation separates a person from established ties to family, work, study, and community. In this forced physical separation, it is similar "in severity [to] the loss of liberty that a prison term entails."
Blanton
,
The Supreme Court has "long recognized that deportation is a particularly severe 'penalty,' " equating it to "banishment."
Padilla
, 559 U.S. at 365, 373,
IV.
The government agrees that, under Blanton , there is a two-step analysis: (1) identification of the penalties for conviction of an offense, and (2) an evaluation of whether the penalties, viewed together, are sufficiently severe to warrant a jury trial by comparison to the possibility of imprisonment for more than six months, which the Court has established (when considering only incarceration) as the constitutional dividing line between petty and serious offenses. The government does not dispute that deportation is a severe penalty. The government's arguments boil down to one contention, that deportation is not the type of penalty that Blanton contemplated should be taken into account in determining whether an offense is deemed serious under the Sixth Amendment. Specifically, the government contends that: (1) removal is not a penalty for a criminal offense; (2) removal should not be considered because it is imposed by Congress, not the Council of the District of Columbia, which created the offense; (3) longstanding precedent establishes that deportation is not "punishment"; and (4) the courts of the District of Columbia are not competent to determine the deportation consequence of criminal conviction. As we now discuss, we are not persuaded by the government's arguments to diverge from a straightforward application of a Blanton analysis that includes the penalty of deportation.
A. Deportation is a Penalty for a Criminal Conviction
As the Court has recognized, "[o]ur law has enmeshed criminal convictions and the penalty of deportation for nearly a century."
Padilla
, 559 U.S. at 365-66,
In using the word "penalty," we do not refer solely to the maximum prison term authorized for a particular offense. A legislature's view of the seriousness of an offense also is reflected in the other penalties that it attaches to the offense . We thus examine "whether the length of the authorized prison term or the seriousness of other punishment is enough in itself to require a jury trial."
temporary license suspension, 48 hours of community service, a fine, and required attendance at an alcohol abuse education course.
Id.
at 543-44,
Reprising the "civil" versus "penal" point, the government argues that removal resulting from conviction is merely the prescribed remedy in a regulatory-type proceeding that enforces provisions in the immigration laws that define who is permitted to stay in the country.
Moreover, the argument that characterizes deportation as a "non-criminal" sanction is at odds with (and relies on cases that precede) current law and practice under the 1996 amendments to the Immigration and Naturalization Act ("INA")
Finally, the argument that deportation is simply a civil measure also overlooks that harsher substantive and procedural requirements apply when deportation is triggered by a criminal conviction than in "regulatory" deportations, such as when a person is out of status (
e.g
., a person who is working without authorization or enters on a student visa and is no longer in school). Those who are removed as a result of a criminal conviction are ineligible for reentry for a longer period or permanently barred,
The government argues that removal should not be considered a penalty in a
Blanton
analysis because (1) the sentencing court does not have authority to order deportation upon conviction for a deportable offense
B. Congress Has Imposed the Deportation Penalty for Criminal Conviction
The government further argues that removal that is triggered by a criminal conviction should not be taken into account because it is a penalty that results from a congressional enactment and is not part of the penalty designated by the legislature that created the offense, in this case, the Council of the District of Columbia. This argument misapprehends
Blanton
's meaning and is contrary to its purpose.
The government points to cases holding that deportation is not "punishment" for a crime and argues that
Padilla's
acknowledgement that it is a serious penalty central to a criminal conviction did not
sub silentio
overrule them. The cases on which the government relies are not on point because they did not present a Sixth Amendment claim, but arose under different constitutional provisions, the Double Jeopardy Clause of the Fifth Amendment, U.S. CONST. amend. V, and the Ex Post Facto Clause,
D. Practicality of Application
Finally, the government asserts that there are "practicalities and uncertainties" as to whether conviction of an offense renders a defendant removable which could make application of a
Blanton
analysis difficult in some cases.
Even if they were not purely hypothetical here, the difficulties that the government fears may come to pass in some other case are too remote and of insufficient import to outweigh the loss of the constitutional right to a jury trial.
Blanton's
penalty-oriented analysis was intended to safeguard this important right where the severity of the potential penalties raises the stakes in a criminal prosecution. In a case where the prosecution and defense are in disagreement on the question of whether an accused will face the serious penalty of deportation if convicted, the trial court is not without resources to come to a sound resolution of the constitutional issue presented. Government counsel are part of the Department of Justice, which has deep expertise in immigration matters and is part of the same executive branch as the Departments of State and Homeland Security, which have responsibility for enforcing the immigration laws. Defense counsel have an obligation to advise their clients competently on the question of immigration consequences.
See
Padilla
, 559 U.S. at 369,
We do not expect this to be a common occurrence in Superior Court. Although genuine disputes about deportability might arise in an immigration proceeding, we think they will seldom occur in the context of a pretrial demand for a jury trial. It is not very likely that a defendant would challenge the government's representation in court that an offense is not deportable, or that the government would make such a representation without being confident that its position is legally correct.
***
We conclude that the penalty of deportation, when viewed together with the 180-day maximum period of incarceration for misdemeanor sexual abuse of a minor, overcomes the presumption that appellant was charged with a petty offense and triggers the Sixth Amendment right to a trial by jury. As appellant was denied his rightful demand for a jury trial, the conviction is reversed and the case is remanded for further proceedings.
So ordered.
Opinion for the court by Senior Judge Ruiz, with whom Chief Judge Blackburne-Rigsby, and Associate Judges Beckwith and Easterly, and Senior Judge Washington, join.
"The changes to our immigration law have also involved a change in nomenclature; the statutory text now uses the term 'removal' rather than 'deportation.' "
Padilla v. Kentucky
,
See
Fortune v. United States
,
Appellant argued that he was entitled to a jury trial in light of the nature of the offense, "lasting social stigmas and inescapable societal disapproval" resulting from conviction of sexual abuse of a minor, and the combination of consequences that attend conviction of that offense: incarceration for up to 180 days, the possibility that he would be removed from the country, assessment of a monetary fine to the Crime Victims Compensation Fund, and the requirement to register as a sex offender for ten years. As we conclude that the combination of maximum incarceration of up to 180 days and possible deportation entitles appellant to a jury trial, we need not address the other grounds raised by appellant.
Other rights guaranteed to the accused by the Sixth Amendment include the right "to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation," "to be confronted with the witnesses against him," "to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses" to present a defense, and "to have the [a]ssistance of [c]ounsel for his defen[s]e." U.S. Const. amend. VI. The right to a jury in the "[t]rial of all [c]rimes" is also guaranteed by article III of the Constitution.
The statute on jostling was enacted to curb pickpocketing.
Baldwin
,
Most jurisdictions, either pursuant to state constitutions or statutory law, provide for a jury trial when a defendant faces the prospect of any period of incarceration. See Senior Judge Washington's concurrence, post at 1265 n.1; see generally David L. Hemond, Conn. Gen. Assembly, Conn. L. Revision Comm'n, Brief Review of Right in 49 States to Jury Trial for Minor Crimes (1998), https://www.cga.ct.gov/lrc/recommendations/1999% 20recommendations/JuryTrial49StatesRpt.htm.
The District of Columbia is an outlier in this regard. In the District of Columbia, unless the Constitution provides otherwise, the statutory right to demand a jury trial does not apply to offenses where the maximum exposure upon conviction is 180 days or less, one day shy of the six-month constitutional marker laid down in
Baldwin
, or a fine or penalty of less than $1,000.
In using maximum exposure, the Court followed
Baldwin's
analysis: "The
possibility
of a sentence exceeding six months, we determined, is 'sufficiently severe by itself' to require the opportunity for a jury trial."
Blanton
,
The Court noted that it would not consider possible enhanced incarceration for repeat offenders because the petitioners in the case were first-time offenders; it left open the question "whether a repeat offender facing enhanced penalties may state a constitutional claim because of the absence of a jury trial in a prior DUI prosecution."
Blanton
,
Even so, the Court noted that it was "hampered" in its review of the clothing requirement because the record did not contain a description of the clothing or details "as to where and when it must be worn," seemingly reserving the possibility that a fuller record that showed a highly embarrassing or onerous requirement could yield a different outcome.
Blanton
,
A longer license suspension has been held to tip an otherwise presumed petty DWI offense into the serious offense category.
Richter v. Fairbanks
,
A person who is deportable as a result of conviction for any crime identified in
Ajay Chaudry, et al., the Urban Inst., Facing Our Future: Children in the Aftermath of Immigration Enforcement 27-33, 41-51 (Feb. 2010) https://www.fcd-us.org/assets/2016/04/FacingOurFuture.pdf.
See supra note 14.
See supra notes 3 & 4.
The government cites several cases for the proposition that deportation is not "punishment" for a criminal offense. None, however, deals with the Sixth Amendment question presented in this appeal and all addressed deportation in a context that did not involve a criminal prosecution. The first set of cases invoke Congress's authority to define groups of people to exclude or remove from the United States.
See
Reno v. American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Comm.
,
Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996, Pub. L. No. 104-132,
See supra note 7.
See supra note 14.
For example, conviction of an aggravated felony renders a person "conclusively presumed to be deportable,"
Similarly, although any noncitizen
may
be arrested and detained pending a decision on whether the person is to be removed from the United States,
Exec. Order No. 13768,
In the past, deportation was dismissed as "collateral" and therefore not integral to a criminal prosecution, in part based on reasoning that, following conviction, there was an intervening decision-maker and proceeding, which attenuated the connection between a criminal conviction and removal.
See
Padilla
,
For this reason, the holding in
Amezcua v. Eighth Judicial Dist. Court
is not persuasive authority as the appellant in that case conceded he was a U.S. citizen and, thus, was not subject to deportation if convicted.
See
It is well settled that the Constitution generally, and the Sixth Amendment jury trial right in particular, apply to persons in the United States, not only to citizens of the United States.
See
Zadvydas v. Davis
,
Although Judge Fisher's dissent acknowledges that a repeat offender may be entitled to a jury trial if exposed to a greater penalty for the same offense committed by a first-time offender, it reasons that a recidivist could be deemed to have committed an "aggravated form" of the offense: a "
different
offense with a different maximum sentence."
Post
at 1275. The same could be said here, where the noncitizen is deemed to have committed an "aggravated felony," see
supra
note 3, and, as a result, is subject to a more severe penalty than the citizen. We are also unpersuaded by the dissent's reliance on
Lewis v. United States
,
Judge Fisher's dissent cites
Brown
,
The government's argument rests on a sentence in a footnote in
Blanton
in which the Court refused to consider the penalties for DUI "in other [s]tates."
The legislature is "far better equipped to perform the task, and [is] likewise more responsive to changes in attitude and more amenable to the recognition and correction of their misperceptions."
Blanton
,
Judge Glickman's dissent relies on two unpublished federal district court opinions, from California and Kentucky, for the proposition that the deportation penalty should not be considered because it was imposed by Congress.
Post
at 1270-71 n.3. These cases address state SORA registration requirements, not deportation; in this opinion we do not address appellant's claim that sex offender registration entitles him to a jury trial. See
supra
note 6. In any event, we find these opinions unpersuasive. In
Rauch v. United States
, where the defendant pleaded guilty to a federal offense, the district court stated that the view of the state of California, which imposed the registration requirement, was irrelevant on the question of the seriousness of the federal offense as the registration requirement was not enacted by Congress "in conjunction with" the offense. No. 1:07-CV-0730 WMW,
The
Ivy
case is similarly unpersuasive as it relies on
Rauch
. It also relies on this court's conclusion, in a plain error case, that because SORA registration is a "regulatory" measure that does not offend the Fifth Amendment Ex Post Facto and Double Jeopardy Clauses, it does not trigger the right to jury trial.
Ivy v. United States
, No. 5:08-CR-00021-TBR,
Congress could decide, for example, that certain otherwise "petty" state offenses punishable by no more than six-months imprisonment should have an enhanced prison sentence of one year in order to address a crisis that affects the nation as a whole. In such a case, there can be little doubt that the enhanced maximum period of incarceration would weigh in the Blanton analysis because the accused would face the greater period of incarceration, regardless of whether the underlying state offense, without the congressionally imposed enhancement, would be deemed petty.
The government and Judge Fisher's dissent rely on
State ex rel. McDougall v. Strohson
,
Thus, in deciding whether these particular constitutional guarantees are implicated, the Court has had to devise tests to interpret the state's motivation behind the challenged actions and the effect of the sanctions. For example, in
Smith v. Doe
,
The government refers to
Padilla's
citation of
Fong Yue Ting v. United States
,
The government also argues that, if the possibility of removal is considered in a Blanton analysis, all sorts of other consequences that may follow after a conviction could also be factors, such as termination of employment and ineligibility for gun ownership. These are not before us. Appellant does not rest his constitutional claim on any of these consequences, and our holding is limited to removal from the country, a penalty that the Court has recognized as grievous and "enmeshed" in the criminal proceeding.
Judge Fisher's dissent suggests that appellant's conviction for sexual abuse of a minor, although it rendered appellant deportable, should not be considered an aggravated felony under the INA. Post at 1275 n.6. At trial, all parties and the trial judge assumed that it is. Similarly, on appeal before a division of this court and on rehearing en banc, there has been no suggestion otherwise. As a factual matter, the government has acted accordingly, suspending appellant's asylum petition upon commencement of the criminal prosecution.
As applied to offenses in the District of Columbia punishable by a maximum sentence of less than six months that would not be jury demandable under the District's statute, see
supra
note 9, they include: sexual abuse of a minor
The BIA has determined that convictions for certain offenses are crimes involving moral turpitude under
See, e.g.
,
Reyes v. Lynch
,
See, e.g.
, U.S. Dep't of State, Foreign Affairs Manual 302.3-2 (B)(2) (U) (Vol. 9 2017) (including fraud (codified at
The defendant could argue that the government's representation in the criminal proceeding provides the basis for judicial estoppel in a later deportation proceeding where the government takes the opposite view.
See
United States v. Barahona
, No. 14-DVM-1945,
E.g ., novel Fourth Amendment motions to suppress and Sixth Amendment claims of ineffective assistance of counsel.
Concurring Opinion
As my colleagues have made clear in their competing opinions in this case, our attempt to reconcile the Supreme Court's decisions in
Baldwin v. New York
,
In
Baldwin
, the Supreme Court interpreted the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution as guaranteeing a right to a jury trial only in criminal cases where an individual is charged with committing serious crimes. The Court went on to distinguish between serious and non-serious crimes, concluding that a serious crime was one that carried the possibility of incarceration for six months or more.
Baldwin
,
In
Blanton
, the Supreme Court, while reiterating that the maximum potential sentence that can be imposed for the commission of a crime is a significant indicator of whether society considers the crime to be serious, also acknowledged that the length of the potential sentence does not necessarily end the inquiry if there are other "objective indications of the seriousness with which society regards the offense."
Blanton
,
The Misdemeanor Streamlining Act (Act), passed in 1994, was designed to "relieve pressure on the court's misdemeanor calendars, allow for more cases to be heard by hearing commissioners, and allow for more felony trials to be scheduled at an earlier date." Council for the District of Columbia, Committee on the Judiciary, Report on Bill 10-98, at 3-4 (Jan. 26, 1994). The Act sought to accomplish these goals by reducing the maximum sentence that could be imposed for the commission of most misdemeanor crimes in the District of Columbia from six months or more to 180 days or less. By reducing the maximum possible sentence for the majority of misdemeanor offenses, the crimes no longer met the Baldwin threshold for serious crimes, and thus, the vast majority of defendants in the District of Columbia charged with misdemeanor crimes were no longer constitutionally entitled to a jury trial. Before today, we rarely, if ever, looked past the legislative intent expressed in the relevant criminal statutes to determine whether the Council and/or Congress intended for the crime to be considered a serious one. However, because we have interpreted Blanton as authorizing a broader view of the applicable statutory penalties for determining whether the crime is considered serious, we are in the unenviable position of trying to ascertain legislative intent without the benefit of a well-developed legislative record.
As Justice Gorsuch recently noted in his concurring opinion in
Sessions v. Dimaya
, "[G]rave as th[e deportation] penalty may be ... many civil laws today impose ... many similarly severe sanctions." --- U.S. ----,
However, and for the first time, a majority of our court has relied on a collateral civil statutory penalty to transmogrify an otherwise petty offense into a serious crime and that means that the courts likely will be faced with new challenges in individual cases to the Act's limitation on the right to jury trials in misdemeanor cases. The majority opinion sees this as a relatively inconsequential matter as they believe that it will be the rare case where another civil statutory penalty will be considered severe enough to entitle a defendant to a jury trial in a misdemeanor case, while the dissent acknowledges the disparity, but argues that the anomaly supports their position that those of us in the majority are interpreting the Supreme Court's opinion in
Blanton v. City of N. Las Vegas
too expansively. Regardless, I agree with Justice Gorsuch's comment above that there are many other severe civil statutory penalties that have been attached to criminal convictions, in addition to deportation and, because it is the legislature's intent that must guide our analysis, the Council should speak clearly to the issue of whether the civil penalties that attach to certain misdemeanor crimes reflects a legislative judgment that the commission of those crimes is more serious than the potential criminal sentence might suggest.
See
Blanton
,
Alternatively, the Council could reconsider its decision to value judicial economy above the right to a jury trial. Restoring the right to a jury trial in misdemeanor cases could have the salutary effect of elevating the public's trust and confidence that the government is more concerned with courts protecting individual rights and freedoms than in ensuring that courts are as efficient as possible in bringing defendants to trial. This may be an important message to send at this time because many communities, especially communities of color, are openly questioning whether courts are truly independent or are merely the end game in the exercise of police powers by the state. Those perceptions are fueled not only by reports that police officers are not being held responsible in the courts for police involved shootings of unarmed suspects but is likely also promoted by unwise decisions, like the one that authorized the placement of two large monuments to law enforcement on the plaza adjacent to the entrance to the highest court of the District of Columbia.
One of the ways that the founders sought to ensure that citizens were protected from overreaching by the government was to guarantee a right to a jury trial to anyone charged with a crime. John Adams is famously quoted as saying, "Representative government and trial by jury are at the heart and lungs of liberty,"
Rauf v. State
,
So, perhaps the answer to the anomaly created by our decision today is to hew more closely to the plain language of the Sixth Amendment and make no distinction between serious and petty crimes when it comes to an individual's right to a jury trial. If the Council chooses this latter path, it will not only address the disparity created by our attempt to faithfully apply Blanton in this case, but the District would also be rejoining the majority of other states where a jury trial in a criminal case is the norm, and not the exception. To me, this latter approach has many virtues.
Thompson, Associate Judge, concurring in the judgment:
The Supreme Court has instructed that, pursuant to the Sixth Amendment, a defendant who faces a maximum prison term of six months or less "is entitled to a jury trial ... if he can demonstrate that any additional statutory penalties, viewed in conjunction with the maximum authorized period of incarceration, are so severe that they
clearly reflect
a legislative determination that the offense in question is a 'serious' one."
In my view, we have no basis for concluding that Congress's prescription of deportation for non-citizens who are found to have committed
any
of the criminal offenses to which the deportation penalty is attached
clearly
reflects a determination by the legislature that all such offenses are serious ones. Congress has broadly declared as "deportable" offenses everything from possession of any more than 30 grams of marijuana to mass murder. Its declaration that conviction-of any of a long list of enumerated but quite different types of offenses-renders a non-citizen "deportable" is scant if any evidence that it views the offenses as serious in the Sixth Amendment sense. Indeed, as other courts have recognized, in general, the immigration-law treatment of a non-citizen convicted of a "deportable" crime frequently turns not on the seriousness of the crime
committed but on the status of the non-citizen in other respects. For example, in
Reyes v. Holder
,
Furthermore, in the immigration statute, Congress has afforded non-citizens who have been convicted of some "deportable" offenses avenues of relief to avoid actual removal.
See
8 U.S.C. § 1229b (a)(3) ("The Attorney General may cancel removal in the case of an alien who is inadmissible or deportable from the United States if the alien ... has not been convicted of any aggravated felony" (emphasis added) ). This, I believe we can conclude, is a signal from Congress that some offenses that expose non-citizens to the threat of deportation are not so serious after all. At the very least, the fact that Congress has authorized cancellation of removal for non-citizens convicted of any of a number of crimes precludes us from finding that the general penalty of removal "
clearly reflect
[s] a legislative determination that [such] offense[s] ... [are] 'serious' one[s]."
objective criterion by which a line could ... be drawn ... between offenses that [Congress does or does not] regard[ ] as 'serious[.]' "
Baldwin v. New York
,
By contrast, with respect to one category of offenses-those that Congress has termed "aggravated felonies"-Congress has given what I believe are clear signals that it regards the offenses as serious. In 8 U.S.C. § 1229b (a)(3), Congress has provided that ("[t]he Attorney General may cancel removal in the case of an alien who is inadmissible or deportable from the United States
if the alien ... has not been convicted of any aggravated felony
" (emphasis added) ). As the Supreme Court recognized just this term in
Dimaya
, "removal is a virtual certainty for an alien found to have an aggravated felony conviction." 584 U.S. at ----,
Further, in
As I explained in my now-vacated opinion for the Division in this matter, if we are to take potential immigration consequences into account as a measure of the seriousness of an offense in Congress's estimation, I believe it is appropriate to look to whether Congress has at the same time provided avenues of relief whereby individuals convicted of a deportable offense may have the penalty of removal canceled-and, conversely, to whether, as to some deportable offenses, Congress has statutorily shut down all avenues of relief from removal. Congress's harsh treatment of non-citizens convicted of aggravated felonies, admitting of no exceptions, leaves no room for doubt that Congress views these as serious offenses, no matter the status of the offender. In light of the bars to relief from removal for non-citizens who have been convicted of aggravated felonies, I am satisfied that the crimes Congress has designated as falling within this category are offenses for which Congress has mandated statutory penalties that "clearly reflect a legislative determination that the offense[s] ... [are] 'serious' one[s]."
Blanton
,
The parties agree that appellant Bado, a non-citizen, was convicted of an aggravated felony.
See
One final observation: The rationale I have set out above would afford noncitizens a jury trial when they are threatened almost inevitably with removal from this country (a fate that may be of greater concern to a convicted non-citizen than any jail sentence). It does so, however, without expanding the right to a jury trial to non-citizens in circumstances that (as Senior Judge Washington notes in his concurrence) may be impossible to distinguish from those of our fellow citizens who likely will face severe collateral consequences from misdemeanor convictions, but who, under our statutory and case law, have no right to a jury trial.
For this reason, too, I believe the rationale and result set out above are the most appropriate resolution of the issue presented in this case.
Glickman, Associate Judge, with whom Fisher, Associate Judge, joins, dissenting:
I join Judge Fisher's dissent and wish only to elaborate on one point. In
Blanton v. City of N. Las Vegas
, the Supreme Court instructed that the Sixth Amendment right to a trial by jury turns on the seriousness of the charged offense in the eyes of the legislature that enacted it, as indicated by the severity of the penalties
that
legislature chose to attach to the offense.
The legislature that enacted the offense in the present case-misdemeanor sexual abuse of a minor-was the Council of the District of Columbia. A noncitizen defendant's conviction of that offense exposes him to the revocation of his or her privilege to remain in this country only under federal immigration law-law enacted by Congress. Deportation is a very severe penalty, but it is not a seriousness-defining penalty attached to misdemeanor sexual abuse of a minor by the legislature that enacted the offense.
Under District of Columbia law, the gravity of misdemeanor sexual abuse of a minor is the same regardless of whether the crime is committed by a citizen or by an alien subject to removal. The maximum penalties that the District of Columbia Council has chosen to impose for commission of this offense by either a citizen or an alien are the same-180 days in prison and a $1,000 fine
Accordingly, for the above reasons (and for the reasons set forth in Judge Fisher's dissent), I respectfully dissent.
Fisher, Associate Judge, with whom GLICKMAN, Associate Judge, joins, dissenting:
According to the majority, a citizen charged with misdemeanor sexual abuse of a child does not have a right to a jury trial, but a noncitizen charged with the very same offense does. This is a startling result, neither compelled nor justified by Supreme Court precedent. It most certainly is not, as the majority asserts, "a straightforward application of a Blanton analysis." Maj. Op. at 1252. Under Blanton , the seriousness of the offense is not measured on a case-by-case basis. Moreover, in my judgment, the prospect of removal (even the certainty of removal) from the United States is not relevant to determining whether the crime is a "serious" offense to which the right of trial by jury applies.
If the maximum term of imprisonment is six months or less, a crime "is presumptively a petty offense to which no jury trial right attaches."
United States v. Nachtigal
,
Under
Blanton
and related Supreme Court decisions, the right to a jury trial turns on the seriousness of the charged offense in the eyes of the legislature that created it, as indicated by the severity of the penalty authorized and made applicable across the board to anyone who commits it. "In fixing the maximum penalty for a crime, a legislature 'include[s] within the definition of the crime itself a judgment about the seriousness of the offense.' "
Blanton
,
The key question for us-one that the Supreme Court has not addressed-is whether deportation or removal (a consequence imposed by a different legislature) is the type of penalty that counts for purposes of determining the right to a jury trial. I think it does not. Deportation or removal is not part of the criminal penalty. It is, rather, a result (serious, no doubt) of abusing the privilege of living in this country.
We have addressed this question in three previous cases, each time rejecting the argument.
Foote v. United States
,
My colleagues rely much too heavily on
Padilla v. Kentucky
,
Padilla
does describe "deportation [as] an integral part-indeed, sometimes the
most important part-of the penalty that may be imposed on noncitizen defendants who plead guilty to specified crimes."
Padilla
,
The fact that removal will be a consequence if one is convicted of a certain crime does not mean it is a penalty or punishment that overcomes the presumption that the charge is a petty offense.
For example, in
Brown v. United States
,
It has mattered to us before, and it should matter still, that removal is not part of the criminal process. It is not within the power of the trial judge to impose that consequence.
See
Foote
,
The maximum period of incarceration is not the only relevant penalty, but
Blanton
requires us to ask whether any "additional statutory penalties, viewed in conjunction with the maximum authorized period of incarceration, are so severe that they clearly reflect a legislative determination that the offense in question is a 'serious' one."
Under
Blanton's
holding, "[t]he judiciary should not substitute its judgment as to seriousness for that of a legislature."
Does the seriousness of the offense vary depending on the identity of the defendant? The Supreme Court has never suggested that it does. To the contrary, the Court has emphasized that the focus must be on the offense charged, "not the particularities of an individual case."
Lewis v. United States
,
To be sure, a recidivist may be entitled to a jury trial when a first offender would not be, but that is because the penal statutes expressly subject him to a longer period of incarceration. In other words, a recidivist is deemed to have committed an aggravated form of the offense-in essence, a different offense with a different maximum sentence.
Apart from being unprecedented, the majority's analysis enormously complicates the practice of criminal law. "Immigration law can be complex, and it is a legal specialty of its own."
Padilla
,
Although the majority chooses not to think about them, Maj. Op. at 1260 n.34, further complications are certain to follow. Defendants inevitably will rely upon the majority's flawed analysis in an effort to distinguish themselves from others charged with the same offense. Will a doctor who stands to lose his professional license if convicted be entitled to a jury trial although a day laborer will not?
A citizen charged with this offense would not be entitled to a jury trial. The answer should be the same for Mr. Bado. I respectfully dissent.
The majority of jurisdictions provide for the right to a jury trial where a "petty" offense is charged,
see generally
Fretes-Zarate v. United States
,
For the reasons I explain, I believe the italicized language is critical to our resolution of this appeal.
Deportation "may result in the loss of all that makes life worth living."
Bridges v. Wixon
,
"Under the petty offense exception, a conviction for an offense involving moral turpitude does not render an unadmitted alien
inadmissible
... when (1) the maximum penalty possible was a year or less, and (2) the alien was actually sentenced to less than six months in prison."
That is, the fact that a non-citizen, upon conviction of a particular offense, is rendered "deportable" pursuant to one provision of the immigration statute, cannot be taken as a clear measure of the seriousness of the offense where, under another provision of the same statute, Congress has created a path for the convicted non-citizen to avoid deportation.
There are a few avenues of limited relief for a non-citizen who has been convicted of an aggravated felony. Such a non-citizen may be eligible for withholding or deferral of removal in accordance with this nation's obligations under the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT).
See
It is worth noting that many (if not most) of the offenses designated as "aggravated felonies" under the federal immigration statute have statutory maximum periods of imprisonment under District of Columbia law that are in excess of 180 days, meaning that a defendant facing trial for them in the District of Columbia is already statutorily entitled to a jury trial.
See, e.g.
,
See
Blanton
,
See
Although the District of Columbia is not a State, and its government is a creation of Congress, I take it as a settled principle of Home Rule that we do not conflate Council legislation with Congressional legislation and that the principles enunciated in Blanton apply here.
The District of Columbia also assesses up to $250 "[i]n addition to and separate from punishment imposed" for a misdemeanor conviction.
See
In re W.M.
,
Thomas v. United States
,
When applying other constitutional protections, the Supreme Court has deemed it "well settled that deportation, while it may be burdensome and severe for the alien, is not a punishment."
Mahler v. Eby
,
Congress has plenary power to legislate for the District of Columbia and may enact our criminal laws. U.S. Const., art. I, § 8, cl. 17. I thus do not question Congress's power to enact a penal statute applicable exclusively to the District of Columbia which provides that any noncitizen found guilty of misdemeanor sexual abuse of a child shall be removed from the country as part of the punishment for committing that crime. But that is only a theoretical possibility. Congress has not purported to do so here.
See also
Amezcua v. Eighth Judicial Dist. Ct.
,
See also
State ex rel. McDougall v. Strohson
,
But see
Smith v. United States
,
I also note the incongruity of treating a misdemeanor as an "aggravated felony." The government does not protest, so the issue is not before us, and there is immigration law which endorses this oddity. Nevertheless, it is not clear to me that the Supreme Court would agree that
misdemeanor
sexual abuse of a child is an aggravated
felony
.
See
Esquivel-Quintana v. Sessions
, --- U.S. ----,
Reference
- Full Case Name
- Jean-Baptiste BADO, Appellant, v. UNITED STATES, Appellee.
- Cited By
- 7 cases
- Status
- Published