State of Iowa v. Scottize Danyelle Brown
State of Iowa v. Scottize Danyelle Brown
Opinion of the Court
*843This case requires us to decide whether a motorist who breaks a traffic law may lawfully be stopped if the officer was motivated by investigative reasons for the stop. Around 12:25 a.m., a police officer observed the defendant making an improper turn and decided to follow the defendant. At a stoplight, the officer noticed the defendant's vehicle had an improperly functioning license plate light and ran the vehicle information for the vehicle's registered owner-who was not the defendant. The vehicle information revealed the registered owner's affiliation to gang activity. Subsequently, the officer pulled the defendant over, which led to his discovery of the defendant's open beer container in the center cupholder.
The State charged the defendant with operating while intoxicated in violation of Iowa Code section 321J.2 (2016). The defendant moved to suppress all evidence obtained after the stop, arguing the officer conducted it in violation of the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution and article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution because the officer's reasons for the stop were not the traffic violations themselves. The district court denied the motion to suppress and later convicted the defendant following a bench trial on the minutes. Consistent with precedent in Iowa and the vast bulk of authority elsewhere, we affirm the district court judgment because the subjective motivations of an individual officer for making a traffic stop are irrelevant as long as the officer has objectively reasonable cause to believe the motorist violated a traffic law.
I. Background Facts and Proceedings.
On October 17, 2015, Officer Justin Brandt of the Waterloo Police Department observed a black Lincoln Navigator at around 12:25 a.m. in the City of Waterloo. Officer Brandt observed the driver accelerating at a yellow light and passing to the left of a moving vehicle before veering across the centerline. The traffic light changed from yellow to red as the Lincoln Navigator passed through the intersection. Officer Brandt followed the driver to another intersection, where he also observed the driver's license plate light was not properly functioning. At the red light, he ran the vehicle information for the vehicle's registered owner-who was not the driver-and discovered the registered owner's association with local gang activity.
After realizing the registered vehicle owner's gang affiliation, Officer Brandt decided to stop the vehicle. He activated his emergency lights, but the driver continued. The driver eventually stopped the vehicle after Officer Brandt activated his audible siren. Officer Brandt approached the vehicle and immediately smelled an odor of alcohol coming from the driver; he also observed an open can of beer in the center cupholder. The driver denied ownership of the open container but admitted to drinking prior to driving. Officer Brandt obtained the driver's name and date of birth because the driver did not have a license with her. The driver was identified as Scottize Brown. Officer Brandt determined Brown was driving with a suspended license and transported her to the police station, where she failed several field sobriety tests and refused to submit to a breath test.
Brown was charged with a second offense of operating a motor vehicle while intoxicated, an aggravated misdemeanor, *844in violation of Iowa Code section 321J.2. She filed a motion to suppress on January 15, 2016, claiming she was unlawfully subjected to a pretextual stop in violation of both article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution and the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution. The district court held a hearing on the motion on February 3, and it denied Brown's motion on February 16, explaining, "Since there were traffic violations that were objectively observed by Officer Brandt, any subjective reasons that may have gone into his decision to stop the vehicle do not matter."
Brown subsequently agreed to a trial on the minutes, and the district court found her guilty on June 21. She was sentenced to incarceration in Black Hawk County jail, "351 days suspended, 14 days imposed," and to probation for one to two years. The district court also ordered Brown to pay a $1875 fine with surcharge, a $10 DARE surcharge, court costs, and attorney fees. Brown appealed on March 7, 2017, requesting that we vacate her conviction and sentence and remand her case for dismissal because she was subjected to an impermissible pretextual stop. We retained Brown's appeal.
II. Standard of Review.
"When a defendant challenges a district court's denial of a motion to suppress based upon the deprivation of a state or federal constitutional right, our standard of review is de novo." State v. Brown ,
Ineffective-assistance-of-counsel claims are based in the Sixth Amendment of the United States Constitution and article I, section 10 of the Iowa Constitution. Strickland v. Washington ,
III. Analysis.
The United States Supreme Court has established an objective test to evaluate the reasonableness of a traffic stop under the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution. In prior cases, we have applied this objective test when evaluating whether law enforcement violated a defendant's Fourth Amendment rights by making a pretextual traffic stop. See State v. Predka ,
*845A. Subjective Reasons to Stop Motorists.
1. The Fourth Amendment. The Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution protects individuals from unreasonable searches and seizures. Whren v. United States ,
In Whren , the United States Supreme Court unanimously held that an officer's "[s]ubjective intentions play no role in ordinary, probable-cause Fourth Amendment analysis."
The petitioners in Whren asked the Supreme Court to adopt a different reasonableness test for traffic stops since the traffic code is so expansive that it provides officers with discretion to make pretextual stops based on factors such as race.
The Supreme Court acknowledged the expansive nature of the traffic code and the potential for an "unsettling show of authority" that enforcing such an expansive code created.
On appeal, Brown concedes that the officer's subjective motivations are irrelevant under the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution so long as there is probable cause to support the stop. We therefore turn to the question whether the Iowa Constitution forbids stopping a motorist who violated the law if that was not the officer's real reason for the stop.
2. Article I, section 8. The question before us is whether, under the Iowa Constitution, a traffic stop for a traffic violation is "reasonable" even if the violation did not happen to be the officer's motivation for the stop. To put it another way, we must decide whether a motorist who violates a traffic law has a justified expectation that she will be able to continue down the road without interruption unless that violation is the officer's motivation for the stop. As we will explain herein, we do not think article I, section 8 draws such fine lines. It is reasonable to stop a motorist based on reasonable suspicion that the motorist violated the law.
i. Scope of article I, section 8. Article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution protects persons against "unreasonable seizures." Iowa Const. art. I, § 8 ("The right of the people to be secure in their persons ... against unreasonable seizures and searches shall not be violated; and no warrant shall issue but on probable cause ...."). It should be noted that article I, section 8 and the Fourth Amendment have only minimal textual differences. Article I, section 8 employs a semicolon between the reasonableness and warrant clauses while the Fourth Amendment uses a comma between these two clauses.
Current members of our court have disagreed about the semicolon's significance. Compare State v. Short ,
There is also evidence in the 1857 debates over the Iowa Constitution that our framers wanted our bill of rights to provide similar protection to the Federal Bill of Rights when they adopted similar language. For example, George W. Ells proposed an amendment at the convention to include a counterpart to the Federal Due Process Clause in the Iowa Constitution, noting, "[T]he committee who have offered the amendment to this second section, did so from a desire that the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of this State, should be as strong, in this respect, as the Constitution of the United States." 1 The Debates of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Iowa 101-02 (W. Blair Lord rep., 1857), https://www.statelibraryofiowa.org/services/collections/law-library/iaconst *847(emphasis added). Ellis noted his desire for his proposed due process amendment for the Iowa Constitution to be verbatim to the Federal Due Process Clause.
We generally "interpret the scope and purpose of the Iowa Constitution's search and seizure provisions to track with federal interpretations of the Fourth Amendment" because of their nearly identical language. State v. Christopher ,
However, as to article I, section 8, we are not writing on a blank slate. In State v. Griffin ,
We now hold that our pronouncement in Meyer was not only a correct application of federal law but also accurately described the validity of a pretextual arrest under article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution for purposes of sustaining a search incident to that arrest. If probable cause exists for an arrest to be made, the motive for making the arrest does not limit the right to conduct a search incident thereto.
The motivation of the officer stopping the vehicle is not controlling in determining whether reasonable suspicion existed. The officer is therefore not bound by his real reasons for the stop.
As already noted, we have similarly held under article I, section 8 that "the motive for making the arrest does not limit the right to conduct a search incident thereto" under the Iowa Constitution "[i]f probable cause exists for an arrest to be made." Griffin ,
Brown asks us to decline to follow our approach Griffin and Kreps in evaluating the constitutionality of pretextual traffic stops under the Iowa Constitution.
ii. Brown's proposed burden-shifting framework. Brown proposes that we interpret article I, section 8 more broadly than the Fourth Amendment and adopt a burden-shifting test for evaluating traffic stops. Under this burden-shifting test, a court would allow the State to provide an objective basis for the stop, allow the defendant to rebut that with evidence of subjective motivation, and then allow the State to come forward and show that the objective basis was the real reason for the stop. We find this test unworkable for a number of reasons.
First, Brown's proposed burden-shifting test is difficult to administer. While this test appears objective on its face, it is ultimately a subjective standard that focuses on the officer's state of mind at the time of the traffic stop. " '[O]bjective evidence' of ... general police practice is simply an aggregation of the subjective intentions of officers in the regions." United States v. Ferguson ,
Brown's burden-shifting test also fails to consider that there are often a number of factors influencing an officer's decision-making process. We have previously concluded that parking in a frequently burglarized area can lead to an officer's decision to stop a motorist. State v. Richardson ,
Second, Brown bases her request for a burden-shifting test on concerns of racial profiling. Brown does not argue that Officer Brandt knew she was African-American before initiating the traffic stop. Instead, the observed traffic violations precipitated Officer Brandt discovering the vehicle's registered owner's gang affiliation. A key element that often defines gangs or gang behavior is "violent or criminal behavior as a major activity of group members." William B. Sanders, Gangbangs and Drive-Bys 10 (1994).
Though we acknowledge that police discretion can lead to racial profiling, we are not persuaded that Brown's approach would have any significant impact on eliminating *849racial profiling. Racial profiling concerns existed when we decided Griffin , and many of the racial profiling studies Brown cites predate Griffin . An officer who engages in racial profiling is also likely to be willing to lie about it. We are hopeful, though, that the spread of technology such as body cams, dash cams, and cell phone videos taken by private citizens will enable our society to better monitor and reduce racial profiling in the future.
Third, the burden-shifting test is also unnecessary to protect citizens from unlawful searches and seizures. "[T]he harsh reality [is] that we lack the ability to control all the variables leading to disparate enforcement. In few areas is this more observable than in our criminal justice system." Jeff D. May et al., Pretext Searches and Seizures: In Search of Solid Ground ,
Law enforcement officers "make judgments and mental shortcuts based on [their] past experiences and training."
This case involves a relatively common scenario where a late-night traffic stop based on an observed violation of the traffic code leads to a determination that the driver was intoxicated and to an OWI conviction. Although it is our job to interpret the Iowa Constitution and not to set policy for the State of Iowa, we think most Iowans favor this policy outcome and would not want reduced enforcement of the drunk driving laws.
Iowa law already provides motorists with protections meant to curtail law enforcement's abuse of authority during traffic stops. Under article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution, the officer must allow a motorist to leave "when the reason for a traffic stop is resolved and there is no other basis for reasonable suspicion." State v. Coleman ,
All of this is not to say that the officer's subjective motivations are never relevant in determining the validity of a *850traffic stop. "The more evidence that a detention was motivated by police suspicions unrelated to the traffic offense, the less credible the officer's assertion that the traffic offense occurred." State v. Lopez ,
Brown's request for a departure from Griffin and Kreps and adoption of a burden-shifting framework for evaluating traffic stops would create instability in the law, hinder law enforcement efforts, weaken the strength of our adversarial system, and undermine public confidence in the legal system. This kind of burden-shifting may work well in employment discrimination law, where there will usually be a fairly detailed record to evaluate, but it would be a challenge to apply in the thousands of suppression hearings where the legality of split-second actions are at issue.
iii. Other states' approaches. Not only does our article I, section 8 precedent hold that traffic stops for traffic violations are reasonable regardless of the officer's subjective motivation, but the vast majority of other jurisdictions agree with us. In addition to Iowa, forty states and the District of Columbia follow the same objective standard we outlined in Griffin and Kreps .
For example, Brown's reliance on the Superior Court of Delaware's holding in *853State v. Heath ,
Further, Brown's reliance on the Court of Appeals of New Mexico's holding in State v. Ochoa ,
Finally, Brown's representation of the Washington Supreme Court's holding in State v. Ladson ,
In any event, Washington's approach "has not resulted in ... significantly greater protections" from racial profiling. Margaret M. Lawton, The Road to Whren and Beyond: Does the "Would Have" Test Work? ,
In fact, the Washington Supreme Court more recently has retreated from Ladson and said that it will uphold a stop for a traffic violation "even if the legitimate reason for the stop is secondary and the officer is motivated primarily by a hunch or some other reason that is insufficient to justify a stop."
*854State v. Arreola ,
We conclude that the objective test articulated in Whren applies to constitutional challenges to traffic stops under article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution. Interpreting article I, section 8 coextensive with the Fourth Amendment in this case "ensure[s] that the validity of such stops is not subject to the vagaries of police departments' policies and procedures concerning the kinds of traffic offenses of which they ordinarily do or do not take note." Ferguson ,
Our holding today recognizes this need for consistency by adhering to our prior holdings. See Brewer-Strong v. HNI Corp. ,
We decided Griffin under the Iowa Constitution less than fifteen years ago, in which we made clear that an officer's ulterior "motive for making the arrest does not limit the right to conduct a search incident thereto" under the Iowa Constitution "[i]f probable cause exists for an arrest to be made."
B. Brown's Ineffective-Assistance-of-Counsel Claim. Brown acknowledges her trial counsel did not specifically address her claim on appeal that Officer Brandt lacked probable cause for the stop because she did not violate any traffic laws. However, she asks the court to analyze this issue under an ineffective-assistance-of-counsel claim. The record before us is sufficient to *855address Brown's ineffective-assistance claim, and we proceed to consider her claim.
To succeed on her ineffective-assistance-of-counsel claim, Brown must prove (1) counsel failed to perform an essential duty and (2) prejudice resulted. State v. Hopkins ,
Because we did not find a basis to diverge from the protection afforded by the Iowa Constitution from that afforded by the United States Constitution under the facts of this case, our analysis will apply equally to both state and federal grounds. See Iowa Const. art. I, § 10 ; State v. Nitcher ,
If a traffic violation occurred, and the peace officer witnessed it, the State has established probable cause.
Brown claims her trial counsel was ineffective for failing to challenge the establishment of probable cause for the stop. She concedes her trial counsel did properly challenge the legality of a pretextual stop, but ultimately failed to address the required probable cause. The State responds to the ineffective-assistance claim by indicating a peace officer witnessed the multiple traffic violations Brown committed. Specifically, that Brown acted in violation of Iowa Code section 321.257, thereby providing probable cause for the stop.
*856At the suppression hearing, Officer Brandt testified to witnessing Brown in violation of multiple traffic laws prior to initiating the stop. Foremost, Officer Brandt observed Brown's vehicle accelerate through an intersection after the traffic-control signal changed from yellow to red. This is in clear violation of Iowa's regulation of vehicular traffic. See
IV. Conclusion.
We affirm the district court decision for the aforementioned reasons.
AFFIRMED.
Waterman, Mansfield, and McDonald, JJ., join this opinion. McDonald, J., files a separate concurring opinion. Cady, C.J., files a dissenting opinion in which Wiggins, J., joins. Appel, J., files a separate dissenting opinion in which Wiggins, J., joins.
McDONALD, Justice (concurring specially).
Scottize Brown failed to establish a violation of her rights arising under the Federal or Iowa Constitutions, and the district court did not err in denying Brown's motion to suppress. I thus concur in Justice Christensen's opinion affirming Brown's conviction and sentence. I write separately to address Brown's argument the Federal Constitution sets the floor for claims arising under the Iowa Constitution.
I.
"Beginning in the 1960s ..., a growing number of states began to rediscover the independent nature of their state constitutional provisions. [This movement is s]ometimes called the 'new judicial federalism' ...." State v. Baldon ,
The fundamental premise of this court's most recent jurisprudence in the area of state constitutional law has been that "although this court cannot interpret the Iowa Constitution to provide less protection than that provided by the United States Constitution, the court is free to interpret our constitution as providing *857greater protection for our citizens' constitutional rights." State v. Cline ,
The fundamental premise of our recent jurisprudence is not sound. This court is free to interpret our constitution to provide less or more protection than the Federal Constitution. See State v. Hampton , No. 18-0061,
The conclusion that this court can interpret the Iowa Constitution to provide less or more protection than a parallel provision of the Federal Constitution is inherent in the federal system. The Bill of Rights, in and of itself, applies only to the federal government. See *858Timbs v. Indiana , --- U.S. ----,
Brown's contention that the incorporation doctrine dictates the minimum required content of state constitutional law misapprehends the incorporation doctrine. Incorporation did not change the substantive content of state constitutional law; it changed the substantive content of federal constitutional law. Specifically, the Supreme Court held the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment incorporated most of the Bill of Rights. See Timbs , --- U.S. ----,
*859This understanding that incorporation does not dictate the meaning of state law is supported by former Oregon Supreme Court Justice Hans Linde. Justice Linde is widely considered the "intellectual godfather" of the new judicial federalism. James A. Gardner, The Failed Discourse of State Constitutionalism ,
Justice Linde has concluded in both his judicial and extrajudicial work that state courts are free to interpret a parallel provision of a state constitution as providing less protection than the Federal Constitution:
The state argues, correctly, that diversity does not necessarily mean that state constitutional guarantees always are more stringent than decisions of the Supreme Court under their federal counterparts. A state's view of its own guarantee may indeed be less stringent, in which case the state remains bound to whatever is the contemporary federal rule. Or it may be the same as the federal rule at the time of the state court's decision, which of course does not prevent that the state's guarantee will again differ when the United States Supreme Court revises its interpretation of the federal counterpart. The point is not that a state's constitutional guarantees are more or less protective in particular applications, but that they were meant to be and remain genuine guarantees against misuse of the state's governmental powers, truly independent of the rising and falling tides of federal case law both in method and in specifics.
Kennedy ,
The right question is not whether a state's guarantee is the same as or broader than its federal counterpart as interpreted by the Supreme Court. The right question is what the state's guarantee means and how it applies to the case at hand. The answer may turn out the same as it would under federal law. The state's law may prove to be more protective than federal law. The state law also may be less protective. In that case the court must go on to decide the claim under federal law, assuming it has been raised.
Linde, E Pluribus , 18 Ga. L. Rev. at 179.
The Michigan Supreme Court reached the same conclusion in Sitz v. Department of State Police ,
*860[A]ppropriate analysis of our constitution does not begin from the conclusive premise of a federal floor. Indeed, the fragile foundation of the federal floor as a bulwark against arbitrary action is clearly revealed when, as here, the federal floor falls below minimum state protection. As a matter of simple logic, because the texts were written at different times by different people, the protections afforded may be greater, lesser, or the same.
The image of federal constitutional law as a "floor" in state court litigation pervades most commentary on state constitutional law. Commentators contend that in adjudicating cases, state judges must not adopt state constitutional rules which fall below this floor; courts may, however, appeal to the relevant state constitution to establish a higher "ceiling" of rights for individuals....
Certainly, as a matter of federal law, state courts are bound not to apply any rule which is inconsistent with decisions of the Supreme Court; the Supremacy Clause of the Federal Constitution clearly embodies this mandate. It would be a mistake, however, to view federal law as a floor for state constitutional analysis; principles of federalism prohibit the Supreme Court from dictating the content of state law. In other words, state courts are not required to incorporate federally-created principles into their state constitutional analysis; the only requirement is that in the event of an irreconcilable conflict between federal law and state law principles, the federal principles must prevail.
....
[S]uch courts must undertake an independent determination of the merits of each claim based solely on principles of state constitutional law. If the state court begins its analysis with the view that the federal practice establishes a "floor," the state court is allowing a federal governmental body-the United States Supreme Court-to define, at least in part, rights guaranteed by the state constitution.
Other courts have reached the same conclusion. See State v. Oliver ,
I thus conclude this court has a duty to independently interpret the Iowa Constitution. This court discharges that duty by looking to the text of the document through the prism of our precedent, tradition, and custom. This court's interpretation of the Iowa Constitution may be the same as the Supreme Court's interpretation of a parallel provision of the Federal Constitution. This court's interpretation of the Iowa Constitution may be different than the Supreme Court's interpretation of a parallel provision of the Federal Constitution. But this court's interpretation of the Iowa Constitution is not dictated by the Supreme Court's precedents under the incorporation doctrine of the Federal Constitution.
II.
"Metaphors in law are to be narrowly watched, for starting as devices to liberate thought, they end often by enslaving it." Berkey v. Third Ave. Ry. ,
As an example of how the metaphor changed doctrine, consider this court's treatment of the exclusionary rule. In Boyd v. United States and Weeks v. United States , the Supreme Court held that evidence obtained in violation of the Federal Constitution was inadmissible in a criminal proceeding. Weeks v. United States ,
*862State v. Lambertti ,
In 2000, in Cline , this court concluded Mapp had abrogated Tonn. See
Cline 's conclusion that Mapp required this court to adopt the exclusionary rule as a remedy for a violation of state constitutional law was incorrect. Cline 's conclusion is predicated on a misunderstanding of federal law. In Wolf v. Colorado , the Supreme Court held the principles underlying the Fourth Amendment were "enforceable against the States through the Due Process Clause."
It is surprising this court immediately moved away from Tonn after Mapp without explicitly overruling Tonn . A majority of the court in Mapp did not even support the conclusion that a violation of the Fourth Amendment, standing alone, required exclusion of the evidence. Justice Stewart expressed no view on the constitutional issue. Mapp ,
Regardless of whether Mapp was rightly or wrongly decided, the important point of the discussion is this: Wolf and Mapp both involved the resolution of claims arising under the Fourteenth Amendment. Neither case compelled any state court to reach a particular resolution-whether less *863protective, more protective, or as protective-of any legal claim arising under its own state constitution. Cline was thus incorrect in stating Mapp abrogated Tonn and precluded this court from interpreting the state constitution to provide less protection than the Federal Constitution. While there may be reasons why this court would want to adopt the exclusionary rule for violations of the Iowa Constitution, many of which are discussed in Cline , it was incorrect to say Mapp compelled this court to do so.
III.
This special concurrence is not intended as a call to arms to find less or more protection of individual rights under the Iowa Constitution as compared to the United States Constitution. Instead, it is a call to determine the meaning of the Iowa Constitution without an interpretive predisposition that the Iowa Constitution must, as a matter of law, be interpreted to provide only greater protection than the United States Constitution. See Linde, E Pluribus , 18 Ga. L. Rev. at 179 ; see also Gaskins ,
We also note a textual difference for order of appearance; the Iowa Constitution reverses the order of "searches and seizures."
In State v. Harrison ,
See, e.g. , State v. Ossana ,
See State v. Heath ,
Heath ,
A peace officer may also stop a vehicle on less than probable cause for the investigation of unusual behavior that reasonably causes the peace officer to believe criminal activity is afoot. Tague ,
Dissenting Opinion
I respectfully dissent from the decision of the majority to continue to address claims of pretextual traffic stops without considering the subjective motives of the officer involved once probable cause is found. Our law must, instead, prohibit pretextual traffic stops motivated by race or any other classification, even when probable cause for a traffic violation exists. They are offensive to the values of our constitution and abhorrent to the concept of justice expected by our constitution. They are one of many reasons to explain why our criminal justice system has disproportionally affected African-Americans in our state and across the nation. In turn, they have helped create disproportionate paths and outcomes in life and continue to prolong inequality within a system of governing built on achieving equality. None of this will change, however, until our law governing this issue changes. Law, in every instance, must first reflect our highest understanding and then pass that understanding onto those people it affects and those who implement it. While a legal requirement for officers to exclude race as a motivation for a stop may be difficult to enforce, this difficulty should itself not deny its force and effect. Law enforcement officers place their lives on the line every day to uphold the law under the most difficult circumstances. They serve to protect the people at all costs. They would strive to enforce this law too, driven by the understanding that identifying and removing race as a motivation for a stop will extend protections to people far beyond the moment. This change would work to eliminate the unconscious origin of a pervasive source of discrimination and allow us to better achieve the equality promised in life by our constitution. The law must always serve as the means to achieve this end.
*864The majority suggests our previous interpretations of article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution to mirror the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution warrants a parallel analysis of pretextual stops. While I respect the wisdom and competency of the Supreme Court, we should not adopt its analysis of this issue at the expense of the rights of Iowa's citizens and, in particular, the rights of our citizens of color.
Unfortunately, the majority has not utilized our independence in deciding the present case. Instead, it ultimately follows the reasoning of the United States Supreme Court's decision in Whren v. United States ,
The Whren doctrine is wrong largely because it gives police officers too much authority, which has led to the misuse of that authority and has allowed police officers to engage in fishing expeditions based on offensive motivations. Whren recognized race-based law enforcement as unconstitutional but held "[s]ubjective intentions play no role in ordinary, probable-cause Fourth Amendment analysis."
The majority's suggestion that the proper constitutional basis for a discrimination claim is the Equal Protection Clause neglects the significant difficulties in bringing a successful equal protection claim.
Even under an equal protection analysis, the ultimate issue is whether the disparate treatment is reasonable. Yet, it is article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution and the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution that specifically require all seizures by law enforcement to be "reasonable." Clearly, the text of the Search and Seizure Clauses support a reasonableness test, and it is not enough to brush the issue of racial profiling off as only an equal protection claim.
The Whren decision "has greatly expanded the authority and power of law enforcement officers, and that discretion has exacerbated problems with racial profiling in law enforcement." Johnson, 98 Geo. L.J. at 1076. Many people of color feel racial profiling is endemic in current criminal enforcement. Id. Amici curiae, in support of Brown, state pretextual traffic stops
[a]ffect[ ] minorities disproportionately[;] they put People of Color in reasonable fear for the bodily safety and even the lives of themselves, their children, their loved ones and friends; and they exacerbate and perpetuate the profound problem *866of racial disparities in the criminal justice system and society.
Brief of ACLU of Iowa et al. as Amici Curiae Supporting Appellant at 10, State v. Brown , 930 N.W.2d 840 (Iowa 2019). Amici also provide statistical data showing people of color, particularly African-Americans, are stopped, cited, and arrested at higher rates than Caucasian drivers throughout Iowa. Id. at 16-22 (finding nineteen percent of traffic stops in Iowa City involved minority drivers, although they made up only ten percent of the city's drivers, and black drivers in Scott County were stopped "nearly three times as often as white drivers") These disturbing trends are present nationwide.
Even more alarming are instances when "an ordinary traffic stop [is] a gateway to extraordinary police violence." Carbado, 105 Calif. L. Rev. at 150, 163-64 (noting the police killings of Michael Brown, Walter Scott, Eric Garner, Alexia Christian, Sheneque Proctor, and Kendra James started as ordinary police interactions).
The majority contends that Brown has not provided any new arguments to justify departing from our holdings in State v. Griffin ,
Since Griffin and Predka , our understanding of justice and the rights entailed in maintaining justice have evolved. Marginalized groups have continued to mobilize so that their voices can be heard and their struggles recognized. See, e.g. , Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw et al., African Am. Policy Forum, Say Her Name: Resisting Police Brutality Against Black Women 2 (2015) ("Say Her Name sheds light on Black women's experiences of police violence *867in an effort to support a gender-inclusive approach to racial justice that centers all Black lives equally."). The efforts of marginalized groups have been impactful in raising awareness and altering society's collective understanding of the role race plays in policing. While it is unfortunate we did not recognize racial bias as a compelling consideration when deciding Griffin and Predka , it would be a deliberate oversight not to do so now. As a branch of government committed to justice and protection of the rights of all Iowans, we should not be so beholden to the past that we prevent ourselves from enacting justice in the present. In fact, Iowa's judiciary has consistently led the charge in recognizing civil liberties through thoughtful consideration of our constitution and application of the truth as derived by cultural understandings, societal changes, and research. See Varnum v. Brien ,
Additionally, the passage of time since Whren , Griffin , and Predka has not only given way to a greater understanding of implicit bias,
Accordingly, the claim by the majority that a departure from Whren "would create instability in the law, hinder law enforcement efforts, weaken the strength of our adversarial system, and undermine public confidence in the legal system" is misplaced. In truth, the reasons expressed by the majority to follow Whren better describe the consequences of the failure to depart from it.
The majority suggests relying on a reasonableness standard would result in judicial overreach, unfairly focusing on an officer's *868subjective state of mind. Yet, the suggestion that requiring officers to justify their objective reasoning would greatly hinder law enforcement is cause for concern, particularly because officers should only be utilizing objective reasoning when effectuating a traffic stop. It indicates there may be too heavy a reliance on pretextual stops. There is no element inherent in enforcing traffic laws that requires a police officer to engage in subjective reasoning before making a traffic stop. Adopting a reasonableness standard would not hinder law enforcement's ability to enforce traffic laws. Instead, it encourages equality in the enforcement of these laws.
The problem with pretextual stops does not stem from officers' enforcement of legitimate traffic laws; it comes from the disparate impact resulting from an officer's ability to make a stop motivated by subjective reasons, many times racial, and then only needing to justify the stop by citing a minor traffic violation. Or, as in the present case, it comes from an officer initially choosing not to enforce a traffic law, then deciding to make the stop based on subjective criteria, and then justifying the stop based on earlier objective reasons. For all that is known in this case, race could have been an unconscious motive operating in the mind of the officer from the beginning. Yet, our law does not make the officer accountable for the unconscious motive, but allows it to be left in the recesses of the mind and washed over with other motives such as gang affiliation in this case. But even this motive has its own implicit bias because there was no evidence of a criminal record or any particular background to show the affiliation was of a criminal nature. Gang affiliation can exist in neighborhoods for reasons independent of criminal activity and when broadly used as a motivation for a stop can have the same effects as using race.
This permissible use of discretion contributes to inequality in the enforcement of traffic laws and subsequent prosecutions. In other cases, officers stop drivers not because of known gang affiliation but because of the color of their skin or their appearance, the neighborhood they are driving in, or any number of impermissible factors. These people are subjected to police stops, although others with different affiliations, skin color, or neighborhoods, committing similar minor traffic offenses are not. This type of policing results in a higher volume of violations found. In the many instances in which no wrongdoing is discovered, those subjected to the pretextual stops are left feeling targeted, unsettled, and apprehensive of law enforcement.
*869By placing a reasonableness component on the pretext, police will still be able to use minor traffic stops to investigate reasonable suspicion of other criminal activity, but the practice of pretextual stops unrelated to specific and articulable facts of criminal activity will be significantly reduced. This approach strikes the balance needed to advance the interests of all in our society.
The majority suggests that the reasonable-officer standard would place an undue burden on law enforcement. In criticizing the "mythical reasonable officer," the majority ignores the fact that a reasonable-person standard has been routinely applied within the field of search and seizure and has not crippled law enforcement's ability to do their jobs. See, e.g. , Terry ,
Finally, unlike the majority, I do not believe that departing from Whren would weaken our adversarial system or undermine public confidence. Just the opposite is true. Applying a reasonableness standard would enhance the legitimacy of traffic stops and resulting prosecutions. Departing from Whren would demonstrate this court's refusal to provide a safe harbor for implicit biases to thrive. Employing a standard that demands fair and unbiased stops could also help to restore trust in law enforcement amongst disillusioned demographics.
In effect, the majority concludes that our inability to control every variable leading to disparate enforcement means we should avoid addressing the issue of pretextual stops altogether. I disagree. The factors leading to disparate enforcement may be numerous, but the vastness of the problem emphasizes the necessity of our attention and in no way absolves us from evaluating the constitutional issue presented in this case. The difficulties in addressing this issue cannot excuse its continuation.
The majority remains hopeful that the employment of technology, such as police body cams and cell phone videos, will help monitor racial profiling. Furthermore, the majority quotes State v. Lopez for the proposition that "[t]he more evidence that a detention was motivated by police suspicions unrelated to the traffic offense, the less credible the officer's assertion that the traffic offense occurred."
Current solutions to the problem of pretextual stops may not be perfect.
The majority's suggestion that the proposed solution will not achieve the desired result because an officer who engages in racial profiling is likely to be untruthful about it is off the mark. It neglects what might be the most important aspect of this case and this issue. Police officers, like the rest of us, have implicit biases they might not recognize. Simply acting on these biases does not indicate an officer's propensity to be untruthful. We should have more faith in our law enforcement and give them the opportunity to recognize their biases so that they can acknowledge and limit acting on them. For example, officers should take the opportunity to review the statistical data from their stops and analyze whether it reveals disproportionate enforcement. Furthermore, law enforcement agencies should invest in implicit-bias training so that all officers are aware of it. These types of changes can be enacted even in the absence of judicial action.
Judges have always been called upon to understand each issue that comes into the court from both perspectives and to then use this dual vision to build a model that solves the problem. The issues of racial profiling and implicit bias presented in this case are uniquely complex, but they can only be solved by understanding this complexity *871and by building a standard that projects this understanding to all.
[T]he dual sovereignty found in our federal system provides state courts with freedom to formulate their own answers to issues such as what is an unreasonable search and seizure, what offends due process, and what violates equal protection. But with freedom comes responsibility. And responsibility can seem overwhelming. One way to deal with this is to refuse to make difficult choices and to rely on ready-made interpretations from the U.S. Supreme Court. But this is not the way the federal system was intended to work. State courts must resist the temptation to "escape from freedom." The ongoing American experiment in federalism deserves nothing less.
Timothy P. O'Neill, Escape from Freedom: Why "Limited Lockstep" Betrays Our System of Federalism ,
"On average, to take an equal protection claim to trial costs anywhere from $45,000 up to $125,000. Since the average defendant's income is approximately between $23,000 and $60,000," most avenues for such litigation are unavailable. Jackson, 85 UMKC L. Rev. at 680 (footnote omitted).
Moreover,
[t]he Fourth Amendment ... should be read as a protection of what it means to be "of the people," a limitation upon the ability of government to infringe upon the right to equal citizenship, equal worth, and equal autonomy in conducting searches and seizures. To be clear, I am not suggesting that the Fourth Amendment should be read as including causes of action based on the denial of equal protection, or as incorporating equal protection jurisprudence. What I am suggesting is that Fourth Amendment jurisprudence be guided by a commitment to equal citizenship.
I. Bennett Capers, Policing, Race, and Place ,
The State of Missouri compiles an annual summary of traffic stop data. Att'y Gen. Josh Hawley, 2017 Vehicle Stops Executive Summary , Mo. Att'y Gen., https://www.ago.mo.gov/home/vehicle-stops-report/2017-executive-summary# (last visited May 17, 2019). The summary includes a disparity index calculated by dividing the percentage of traffic stops of a particular group by the percentage of the driving population constituted by the same group.
Data from a similar 2017 Illinois report indicated nearly sixty percent of law enforcement agencies reported minority drivers were stopped at a higher rate than were Caucasian drivers. Alexander Weiss Consulting, LLC, Illinois Traffic and Pedestrian Stop Study: Traffic Stop Analysis 4-5 (Ill. Dep't of Transp. 2017).
Conceptual writings and empirical research have suggested that Whites experience both positive (i.e., privileges) and negative (i.e., costs) consequences as a result of racism.... The phrase costs of racism to Whites is defined as negative psychosocial consequences that Whites experience as a result of the existence of racism. Examples of these costs include guilt and shame, irrational fear of people of other races, distorted beliefs regarding race and racism, and limited exposure to people of different races and cultures.
Lisa B. Spanieman et al., Psychosocial Costs of Racism to Whites: Exploring Patterns Through Cluster Analysis , 53 J. of Counseling Psychol. 434, 434-35 (2006) (citations omitted) (analyzing the psychosocial costs of racism to Whites through a study of 230 White students, aged 18-44, attending a Midwestern university).
"Implicit biases are the plethora of fears, feelings, perceptions, and stereotypes that lie deep within our subconscious, without our conscious permission or acknowledgement." Mark W. Bennett, Unraveling the Gordian Knot of Implicit Bias in Jury Selection: The Problems of Judge-Dominated Voir Dire, the Failed Promise of Batson, and Proposed Solutions,
When applied to "gangs", risk analyses typically take the form of social profiling. This involves constructing a matrix of variables and matching individuals to the variables described in the gang matrix. Such processes tend to be descriptive and do little to provide a basis for understanding why and how specific groups of young people experience problems or find meaning in their lives.... [T]here is a strong correlation between poverty and crime, yet all poor people do not become engaged in criminal activity; nor do all 'criminals' originate from poor backgrounds. The same applies to gang membership and gang activities.
Rob White, Disputed Definitions and Fluid Identities: The Limitations of Social Profiling in Relation to Ethnic Youth Gangs , 8 Youth Justice 149, 157 (2008) (citation omitted).
"For these target groups, the perception is that being black or Hispanic alone carries a penalty: the taint of suspicion, the risk of a traffic stop, the risk of a canine sniff, the risk of a search." Capers, 83 Ind. L.J. at 849.
In 2017, a nationwide survey indicated confidence in police had risen to fifty-seven percent after a downward slope in 2014 and a record-tying low of fifty-two percent in 2015. Jim Norman, Confidence in Police Back at Historical Average , Gallup (July 10, 2017), https://news.gallup.com/poll/213869/confidence-police-back-historical-average.aspx [https://perma.cc/5BGE-JH34]. However, these overall trends disguise significant drops across several demographics. Id.
Though the overall numbers have rebounded, the years of national turmoil have only deepened the divide in the confidence that Americans of different ages, ethnicities and political beliefs say they have in the police. The loss of confidence is most apparent among Hispanics, liberals and those younger than age 35.
It has been suggested the value of the "would have" test is limited to situations when police officers admit to using subjective motivations. Margaret M. Lawton, The Road to Whren and Beyond: Does the "Would Have" Test Work? ,
It has been suggested that historically marginalized groups should utilize profiling as a tool themselves "to identify, surveil, and if necessary, instigate proceedings against problem police officers." Jackson, 85 UMKC L. Rev. at 688. "[D]eveloping an offender profile[ ] is to present information that describes the characteristics of a probable offender and aid[s] in the analysis of the data for predicting future offenses and/or victims." Id. at 685 ; see also Linh Ta, Des Moines Police Know They're Biased. Here's How They're Trying to Mitigate It , Des Moines Register (Aug. 13, 2017, 4:04 PM), https://www.desmoinesregister.com/story/news/crime-and-courts/2017/08/13/des-moines-police-know-theyre-biased-heres-how-theyre-trying-mitigate-it/311895001/.
Another proposal supports harsher penalties for officers who commit perjury when testifying about an incident. Capers, 83 Ind. L.J. at 873. Such officers "should be investigated and prosecuted to the same extent a civilian witness would be." Id.
Dissenting Opinion
Under article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution, can a police officer use a common minor traffic violation as an after-the-fact pretext to seize a vehicle and its passengers when the actual reason for the stop was constitutionally inadequate? Today's majority says yes. I say NO!
I. Summary.
History demonstrates that one of the fundamental purposes of search and seizure law is to cabin the discretion of police officers in choosing whom to subject to search and seizure. Generalized discretion in the hands of a law enforcement official has been anathema to the search and seizure provisions of both the Fourth Amendment and article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution. No case considering search and seizure issues can be consistent with the history and purpose of the constitutional provisions without carefully considering whether the discretion of police officers is so unbridled that it vests in them power equivalent to the hated general authority to search.
As will be seen below, in my view, law enforcement officers have what amounts to general authority to seize drivers on the open road due to the density of traffic regulations and the pervasiveness of minor violations. That means that the traditional limitations to search and seize do not apply on the open road and the risk of arbitrary enforcement is great. As a result, consistent with the history and purpose of search and seizure law, there must be constitutional restraints on the generalized discretion in order to protect citizens from arbitrary actions of law enforcement.
For many years, our legal tradition frowned on pretextual searches as violating search and seizure principles. Early federal cases questioned the validity of pretextual searches. And up until the 1990s, the trend among state courts was to disapprove pretextual searches as violating search and seizure. Iowa caselaw was part of the general trend for decades.
All that changed when the Supreme Court announced its decision in Whren v. United States ,
As a state supreme court, we are not bound by Whren but should only consider it to the degree it is persuasive. It is well established in other states and in Iowa that the mere fact there is a similarity in the language of the Fourth Amendment and article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution does not mean that federal precedent has any more power beyond its ability to persuade. I find Whren unpersuasive because of its failure to limit general police discretion to engage in roadway seizures. In light of its unconvincing rationale and the weakness of existing authority, the doctrine of stare decisis does not excuse us from considering the validity of pretextual stops under the Iowa Constitution.
The decision in this case is bad law. The approach of the majority fails to recognize the history of search and seizure law and the importance of curbing generalized law enforcement discretion, fails to recognize that law enforcement in practice has general authority to stop vehicles on the open road due to the pervasiveness of regulations, fails to recognize or deal with the problems of implicit bias, fails to recognize *872the reality of racial profiling, fails to recognize the shortcomings of alternative remedies, and fails to recognize the constitutional harms caused by generalized seizures on the open road.
Because of the importance of the issue, an in-depth analysis of the history of search and seizure law, the doctrinal developments in the law, and the impact on the law in light of current realities is appropriate. We simply should not bless pretextual stops by law enforcement without a thorough understanding of where the law has been, how it has evolved, and how it might develop.
II. Factual Background and Proceedings.
A. Initial Proceedings. On November 23, 2015, the State filed a trial information charging Scottize Brown with a second offense of operating a motor vehicle while intoxicated, an aggravated misdemeanor, in violation of Iowa Code section 321J.2(2)(b ) (2016). Brown pled not guilty. She subsequently filed a motion to suppress, claiming she was unlawfully subjected to a pretextual stop. In her motion to suppress, Brown claimed that the stop violated both the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution and article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution.
B. Evidence Presented at the Motion to Suppress Hearing. At the motion to suppress hearing, Waterloo police officer Justin Brandt testified that he observed a Lincoln Navigator cross the centerline while driving through an intersection on a yellow light in Waterloo, Iowa, in the early morning hours. Officer Brandt told the court he followed the vehicle and "ended up running the license plate on it." He determined that the registered owner of the vehicle had a valid license. Officer Brandt testified that he then "got curious" and, "having the time to do so," opened up a database and "somewhere in that database [he] ended up seeing that there is some kind of connection with gang activity or something with the registered owner." Officer Brandt further testified that he noticed that one of the two license plate lamps on the vehicle was not operating. According to Brandt, he "wasn't even going to stop" the car for the traffic violations until he ran the plate and learned of the gang affiliation of the owner. Upon learning of the gang affiliation, he wanted to "poke around and see what's up."
Officer Brandt told the court he then followed the vehicle for a couple of blocks, after which he activated his emergency lights to conduct a traffic stop. The vehicle continued on, however, and Officer Brandt initiated his siren. At that point, the vehicle stopped.
Officer Brandt approached the vehicle and obtained identification from Brown as the driver of the vehicle. Officer Brandt testified that he could smell alcohol and saw an open can of beer in the front cup holder. According to Officer Brandt, Brown admitted to drinking earlier but said the open can was not hers. Officer Brandt determined that Brown was driving with a suspended license and transported her to the police station. At the police station, Officer Brandt stated, Brown failed several field sobriety tests and refused to submit to a breath test.
C. District Court Ruling on the Motion to Suppress. The district court denied Brown's motion to suppress. It noted that Officer Brandt first observed the vehicle at a red light where it made an improper turn. The district court found that after observing the improper turn, Officer Brandt determined that the registered owner was associated with local gang activity. It further found that Officer Brandt followed the vehicle to another red light, where he observed one of the vehicle's *873license plate lights was not properly functioning. According to the district court, it was apparent that Officer Brandt would not have made the stop absent the gang affiliation of the registered owner.
The district court held that notwithstanding the subjective motivation of Officer Brandt, he had observed a traffic infraction-the improper turn-as well as an equipment violation-the license plate light. It held that because there were objective violations, the subjective motive of Officer Brandt did not matter. In support of its legal conclusion, the district court cited State v. Aderholdt ,
The matter proceeded to trial on the minutes of testimony. The district court found Brown guilty of operating a motor vehicle while intoxicated, second offense. Brown appealed.
D. Issues on Appeal. On appeal, Brown argues that the district court erred by failing to suppress the evidence arising from the seizure of the automobile she was driving. Brown claims that the stop was not, in fact, initiated as a result of a minor traffic infraction but was pretextual in nature and that the real reason for the stop was constitutionally insufficient. On appeal, Brown makes her claim solely under article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution.
III. Standard of Review.
This court reviews claims of unconstitutional searches and seizures de novo. State v. Gaskins ,
IV. Overview of Search and Seizure Law.
A. Historical Overview of Relevant Search and Seizure Law.
1. Hatred of general warrants and writs of assistance animates the American Revolution. In several recent cases, this court explored the history of search and seizure law under the Federal and Iowa Constitutions. See, e.g. , Godfrey v. State ,
One of the great advancements in English law during the eighteenth century *874was the development and clear articulation of judicial protection of individuals from arbitrary, government-sponsored search and seizure. The key cases center around the efforts of Lord Halifax's government to suppress dissent. Government agents generally ransacked residences and premises looking for telltale signs of involvement in the publication of a scurrilous antigovernment broadside. Thomas K. Clancy, The Fourth Amendment: Its History and Interpretation § 2.2.3.2, at 36 (2008); Andrew E. Taslitz, Reconstructing the Fourth Amendment: A History of Search and Seizure, 1789- 1868 , at 20 (2006). In a series of cases, the English courts held that such searches without probable cause were illegal and imposed hefty fines against the perpetrators. Entick v. Carrington (1765) 95 Eng. Rep. 807, 818; 2 Wils. K.B. 275, 292; Wilkes v. Wood (1763) 98 Eng. Rep. 489, 498-99; Lofft 1, 18-19; Huckle v. Money (1763) 95 Eng. Rep. 768, 768-69; 2 Wils. K.B. 205, 205-07.
The forces of resistance to generalized governmental searches traveled in the boats over to the New World and landed in the infamous Paxton's Case. See Tracey Maclin, The Complexity of the Fourth Amendment: A Historical Review ,
Otis lost the case, but the powerful blows struck by his forceful argument were not lost on John Adams, who declared, "Then and there the Child Independence was born." Jacob W. Landynski, Search and Seizure and the Supreme Court: A Study in Constitutional Interpretation 37 (1966) (quoting Letter from John Adams to William Tudor (Mar. 29, 1817), in 10 The Works of John Adams 244, 247-48 (Charles Francis Adams ed., Bos., Little, Brown & Co. 1856)). Adams remembered the lessons of Paxton's Case when he drafted the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780. Leonard W. Levy, Origins of the Bill of Rights 158 (1999); John M. Murrin, From Liberties to Rights: The Struggle in Colonial Massachusetts , in The Bill of Rights and the States: The Colonial and Revolutionary Origins of American Liberties 63, 91 (Patrick T. Conley & John P. Kaminski eds., 1992). In the Massachusetts Constitution, Adams included a search and seizure provision that limited the authority of the government to engage in searches without a particularized warrant. Thomas Y. Davies, Recovering the Original Fourth Amendment ,
The precedent set in the Massachusetts Constitution, and other state constitutions enacted shortly thereafter, had a dramatic influence on the development of the United States Constitution. See *875Short ,
Iowa adopted two state constitutions: the first in 1846 and the second in 1857. See
Although the language in the Fourth Amendment and article I, section 8 is similar. There is no reason for a state court to be "bound" by federal interpretations of the Fourth Amendment. As noted by Judge Jeffrey Sutton, "There is no reason to think, as an interpretive matter, that constitutional guarantees ..., even guarantees with the same or similar words, must be construed the same." Short ,
We are not alone. See, e.g. , Wright v. State ,
2. Search and seizure concepts: Requirement of justification supporting particular searches and protection of the public against arbitrary government action. The search and seizure provisions of the Federal Constitution and the Iowa Constitution perform two functions. First, the search and seizure provisions are designed to ensure that government searches and seizures are justified. The justification ordinarily requires the state to establish to the satisfaction of a neutral magistrate that the proposed search or seizure is supported by probable cause and that the search is limited both with respect to its scope and purpose.
Second, however, the search and seizure provisions are designed to ensure that the government does not engage in the arbitrary exercise of power. For example, in Entick , Judge Pratt bristled at the notion that the Crown could willy-nilly engage in searches based on common activity. 95 Eng. Rep. at 818; 2 Wils. K.B. at 292. Judge Pratt acknowledged that although prior caselaw said that a man may be "punishable for having a libel in his private custody," "half the kingdom would be guilty ... if libels may be searched for and seized by whomsoever and wheresoever the Secretary of State thinks fit."
Just as in Wilkes , Entick , and other cases, the attacks against writs of assistance in America prior to the American Revolution were also based on the potential of arbitrary enforcement of broadly framed, general power. As noted by the Supreme Court in one of its first Fourth Amendment cases, James Otis declared the writs of assistance were
"the worst instrument of arbitrary power, the most destructive of English liberty and the fundamental principles of law, that ever was found in an English law book;" since they placed "the liberty of every man in the hands of every petty officer."
Boyd v. United States ,
Indeed, just as, according to Entick , half the kingdom would be subject to arbitrary search and seizure because of the prevalence of private libel, 95 Eng. Rep. at 818; 2 Wils. K.B. at 292, smuggling to avoid taxes in the colonies was extremely common, Barbara C. Salken, *877The General Warrant of the Twentieth Century? A Fourth Amendment Solution to Unchecked Discretion to Arrest for Traffic Offenses ,
In the words of Professor Anthony Amsterdam in his often cited and unsurpassed article on the Fourth Amendment, search and seizure law protects against not only unjustified searches but also arbitrary searches and seizures "conducted at the discretion of executive officials, who may act despotically and capriciously in the exercise of the power to search and seize." Anthony G. Amsterdam, Perspectives on the Fourth Amendment ,
A paramount purpose of the fourth amendment is to prohibit arbitrary searches and seizures as well as unjustified searches and seizures.... Arbitrary searches and seizures are "unreasonable" searches and seizures; ruleless searches and seizures practiced at the varying and unguided discretion of thousands of individual peace officers are arbitrary searches and seizures; therefore, ruleless searches and seizures are "unreasonable" searches and seizures.
By controlling otherwise unfettered search and seizure discretion of law enforcement, the Fourth Amendment, from the get-go, protected unpopular minorities against majoritarian government institutions. For example, Madison-the author of the Fourth Amendment-was well aware of the general searches of the homes of unpopular minority Philadelphia Quakers whose pacifist inclinations were thought to be evidence that they were British spies. See Cuddihy at 618-19; Anthony C. Thompson, Stopping the Usual Suspects: Race and the Fourth Amendment ,
In light of the above history, Chief Justice Warren Burger, then serving on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, accurately observed that the search and seizure provisions of the Fourth Amendment reflect "deeply rooted national skepticism toward police and indeed all public authority," "a sort of briny irreverence toward officials." Warren E. Burger, Who Will Watch the Watchman? ,
The Supreme Court reflected the attitude of the Revolutionary Era when it observed in McDonald v. United States that "[p]ower is a heady thing; and history shows that the police acting on their own cannot be trusted."
While article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution was adopted several decades after the Federal Constitution and the Bill of Rights, the Iowa constitutional provision was also designed to protect individuals against the unjustified and arbitrary exercise of government power. Indeed, the placement of the Iowa Bill of Rights in the very first article of the Iowa Constitution emphasizes its constitutional importance. See Baldwin v. City of Estherville ,
would enlarge, and not curtail[,] the rights of the people ... [and] put upon record every guarantee that could be legitimately placed there in order that Iowa ... [would] have the best and most clearly defined Bill of Rights.
1 The Debates of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Iowa 100 (W. Blair Lord rep., 1857) [hereinafter The Debates ], https://www.statelibraryofiowa.org/services/collections/law-library/iaconst. See generally Short ,
B. Dynamic Development of State and Federal Search and Seizure Doctrine.
1. Federal doctrine: Abandonment of warrant-preference approach in favor of open-ended "reasonableness." Over the years, the United States Supreme Court has struggled to develop a coherent body of law under the Fourth Amendment. See generally, e.g. , Coolidge v. New Hampshire ,
The leading Court historians on search and seizure were Justice Robert Jackson, the chief counsel at Nuremburg, and Justice Felix Frankfurter. See generally Rabinowitz ,
[T]he forefathers, after consulting the lessons of history, designed our Constitution to place obstacles in the way of a too permeating police surveillance, which they seemed to think was a greater danger to a free people than the escape of some criminals from punishment.
United States v. Di Re ,
are not mere second-class rights but belong in the catalog of indispensable freedoms. Among deprivations of rights, none is so effective in cowing a population, crushing the spirit of the individual and putting terror in every heart. Uncontrolled search and seizure is one of the first and most effective weapons in the arsenal of every arbitrary government.
Brinegar v. United States ,
*880The influence of Justices Jackson and Frankfurter continued after they left the bench. Eventually, the Supreme Court developed an approach to the open-textured language of the Fourth Amendment known as the warrant-preference theory. See generally Cuddihy at 602, 633-37, 734-42 (concluding that the warrant-preference approach was the most consistent with the founders' intentions); Morgan Cloud, Searching Through History; Searching for History ,
In recent years, however, the United States Supreme Court has begun to diminish search and seizure protections. The Court has departed from its earlier precedents grounded in history and recent experience in Europe in favor of a more expansive view of government power. Doctrinally, the Court has generally downgraded the protections of the Warrant Clause by significantly limiting its application and adopting an expansive, modern-day approach to the meaning of the Reasonableness Clause. See Ingram , 914 N.W.2d at 804-06, 816 ; Silas J. Wasserstrom, The Court's Turn Toward a General Reasonableness Interpretation of the Fourth Amendment ,
The United States Supreme Court has also undermined the strength of the exclusionary rule. Long ago, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes declared in Silverthorne Lumber Co. v. United States that "[t]he essence of a provision forbidding the acquisition of evidence in a certain way is that not merely evidence so acquired shall not be used before the Court but that it shall not be used at all."
2. Basis for independent state law interpretation of search and seizure provisions. One of the opinions issued today has an affinity for following federal precedent in search and seizure law. My views on the constitutional history and the flaws of following United States Supreme Court precedent in any lockstep or quasi-lockstep way have been thoroughly explored in Short ,
First, the suggestion is advanced that Iowa's constitutional history does not support departing from Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. But at the time of the Iowa constitutional convention, there was very little Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. Most of that came later. What is clear, however, is that the Iowan founding generation had no particular reverence for the decisions of the United States Supreme Court on the important constitutional issues of the day. Indeed, at the time of the Iowa Constitutional Convention of 1857, and for many years prior, the United States Supreme Court was intent on shoring up the institution of chattel slavery through its decisions regarding the Fugitive Slave Act, culminating in the infamous Dred Scott case. See, e.g. , Dred Scott v. Sandford , 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393, 404,
For example, the fugitive slave decisions were decried at the Iowa constitutional convention in 1857. According to George Ells, the Due Process Clause was "violated again and again by the dominant party in the land, which rides rough-shod oves the necks of freemen." 1 The Debates at 102. And Ells's criticism extended to interpretation of the Due Process Clause in federal courts:
If the words "due process of law," shall in time be recognized by our judicial tribunals to mean what they really do mean, ... [t]hen, sir, that infamous Fugitive Slave Law will become a nullity, and the American people will trample its odious enactments in the dust.
When Dred Scott was rendered, there was an outpouring of scathing criticism of the United States Supreme Court, including a resolution of condemnation from the Iowa legislature. The Iowa legislature declared *882"the case of Dred Scott, is not binding in law or conscience upon the government or people of the United States." Short ,
[W]e should be ungrateful to those whose care and foresight provided for us free homes, and derelict in our duty to those who still come after us, did we not promptly and sternly denounce this new doctrine, which if established, degrades the free states.
Although there was not a lot of state search and seizure law in the early days, there is one case that showed Iowa judges were willing to use the Iowa Constitution to protect personal liberty. This is the 1863 Polk County case of Webb v. Griffith. See Nathan E. Coffin, The Case of Archie P. Webb, A Free Negro , 11 Annals of Iowa 200, 211-12 (1913) [hereinafter Coffin]. In the Webb case, an African-American, who had received a certificate of emancipation, was held in the Polk County jail pursuant to Billy Haun's Law, a statute that forbade African-American settlement in Iowa. See id. at 202-03; see also Robert R. Dykstra, Bright Radical Star: Black Freedom and White Supremacy on the Hawkeye Frontier 198-99 (1993). Judge John Gray held that Webb's arrest violated the search and seizure provision of article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution. Coffin, 11 Annals of Iowa at 211-12. Judge Gray declared that Webb's arrest was unconstitutional when the only crime charged was that he was a freeman who settled in the state. See id. It is hard to imagine a federal court under the tutelage of the United States Supreme Court coming to a similar conclusion under the Fourth Amendment.
Surely it is clear beyond peradventure that the Iowa founders were devoted to civil liberties. Iowa's state motto-"Our liberties we prize and our rights we will maintain"-is not just a slogan but reflects a libertarian spirit rather than state authoritarianism. The Iowa Constitution includes sweeping language in the inalienable rights clause of article I, section 1 based on the Virginia Declaration of Rights, incorporated by Thomas Jefferson into the Declaration of Independence, but not embraced by Madison in the United States Constitution because of fear such language would provoke controversy with slave states. No such hesitation in Iowa. Indeed, George Ells, Chairman of the Committee on the Preamble and Bill of Rights, stated the committee wanted provisions in the Iowa Bill of Rights that "would enlarge, and not curtail the rights of the people" and would "put upon record every guarantee that could be legitimately placed there in order that Iowa ... might also have the best and most clearly defined Bill of Rights." 1 The Debates at 100. Ells further stated that "the Bill of Rights is of more importance than all the other clauses in the Constitution put together, because it is the foundation and written security upon which the people rest their rights." Id. at 103.
There is reason to think the devotion to civil liberties extended beyond the Iowa constitutional convention. For instance, writing in response to Judge Gray's decision in Webb , the Burlington Hawk-Eye declared, "The people of Iowa will thank Judge Gray for vindicating the charter of *883their liberties, and throwing the shield of the law over the weak and helpless." Coffin, 11 Annals of Iowa at 214.
Second, on turning to our federal founders, it is worth noting that Madison, among others, looked to the states as the primary source of the protection of civil liberties. See Baldon ,
Overall, ... the founders looked to the states to protect individual liberties. At the Constitutional Convention, James Wilson observed that the purpose of the states was "to preserve the rights of individuals." Similarly, in Federalist No. 45, Madison stressed that under the Constitution, "The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects, which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties and properties of the people...." Madison repeated the liberty theme in Federalist No. 51 by declaring, "In the compound republic of America, the power surrendered by the people, is first divided between two distinct governments .... Hence, a double security arises to the rights of the people."
Or, as has been noted by Chief Justice Cady,
Our Iowa Constitution, like other state constitutions, was designed to be the primary defense for individual rights, with the United States Constitution Bill of Rights serving only as a second layer of protection, especially considering the latter applied only to actions by the federal government for most of our country's history.
Mark S. Cady, A Pioneer's Constitution: How Iowa's Constitutional History Uniquely Shapes Our Pioneering Tradition in Recognizing Civil Rights and Civil Liberties ,
Third, the mere fact that the language of article I, section 8 and the Fourth Amendment are similar does not mean that this court must bow to federal interpretations of the Fourth Amendment in interpreting our state constitutional counterpart. It is, of course, true that the language of article I, section 8 and the Fourth Amendment are very similar. And this court has sometimes said that because of the similarity of language, the provisions are "deemed to be identical in scope, import, and purpose." State v. Groff ,
*884But the conclusory bromide is stating the obvious at a very high degree of generality and has very little value, or even no value, in deciding cases. Ochoa , 792 N.W.2d at 267 (noting the general language similarity does nothing to aid us in deciding concrete cases); see also Richard M. Re, Essay, Narrowing Precedent in the Supreme Court ,
Indeed, on a wide range of search and seizure issues, a variety of options are plausible under the open-textured language. Due to the marvels of electronic research, there is a cornucopia of caselaw waiting to be harvested by thoughtful judges looking to make the best possible choices under their state constitutions. This court is not in any way bound by federal precedent, or for that matter, the precedent of any other jurisdiction. Instead, we make our own independent choices under the Iowa Constitution. Pals ,
A highly regarded jurist has nailed it in a recent piece of scholarship. According to Judge Sutton of the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit,
There is no reason to think, as an interpretive matter, that constitutional guarantees of independent sovereigns, even guarantees with the same or similar words, must be construed the same. Still less is there reason to think that a highly generalized guarantee, such as a prohibition on "unreasonable" searches, would have just one meaning for a range of differently situated sovereigns.
Sutton, 59 U. Kan. L. Rev. at 707.
Judge Sutton's observations are consistent with what happens on the ground in many states. There are thousands, not hundreds, of state search and seizure cases following a path independent of federal courts under state constitutional provisions similar to the Fourth Amendment. See Michael J. Gorman, Survey: State Search and Seizure Analogs ,
In the past, some of our cases utilized what is called a lockstep approach or lockstep-lite approach where federal law was either followed as a matter of course or presumptively followed. We abandoned *885that approach in Ochoa , 792 N.W.2d at 267. In Ochoa , we unanimously declared,
In order to resolve any inconsistency in our prior cases [following the lockstep or quasi-lockstep approach], we now hold that, while United States Supreme Court cases are entitled to respectful consideration, we will engage in independent analysis of the content of our state search and seizure provisions. A Fourth Amendment opinion of the United States Supreme Court, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals, or any other federal court is no more binding upon our interpretation of article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution than is a case decided by another state supreme court under a search and seizure provision of that state's constitution. The degree to which we follow United States Supreme Court precedent, or any other precedent, depends solely upon its ability to persuade us with the reasoning of the decision. When both federal and state constitutional claims are raised, we may, in our discretion, choose to consider either claim first in order to dispose of the case, or we may consider both claims simultaneously.
Under Ochoa and subsequent cases, it is true, as suggested in one of the court's opinions today, divergence from federal authority is not required or even favored. Fair enough. But what is required is our best independent judgment by each and every one of us whose privilege it is to serve on this court. No one would suggest that a legislator or a governor should defer to Washington politicians. Why should a state court defer to the United States Supreme Court if the precedent is unpersuasive? Indeed, the United States Supreme Court has declared that "[i]t is fundamental that state courts be left free and unfettered by us in interpreting their state constitutions." Minnesota v. Nat'l Tea Co. ,
Fourth, it is true that our cases have departed from past precedents. But there was a good reason for that. In the past, as noted in Ochoa , we tended to follow federal precedent without much thought. 792 N.W.2d at 266. We were often a lockstep-lite jurisdiction, theoretically reserving the right to engage in independent constitutional analysis but rarely bothering to do so. See id. That approach was, and is, unacceptable. We should decide state constitutional issues based on our best judgment of the proper course, based upon all available authorities and precedents. A prior case that simply pasted a federal approach into the North Western Reporter without further thought is a very slender reed and not entitled to stare decisis.
An opinion in this case suggests that our search and seizure cases under the Iowa Constitution are generally interpreted to mirror federal law. I beg to differ. It is clear that our caselaw, like that of many states, no longer generally interprets the Iowa Constitution to mirror federal caselaw in the search and seizure area. See, e.g. , Ingram , 914 N.W.2d at 799 ; State v. Coleman ,
And we recently have not used mirrors in other constitutional contexts. In Puntenney v. Iowa Utilities Board ,
Fifth, it must be acknowledged that the decisions of the United States Supreme Court on individual liberties involve a federalist discount. The most conservative justice of the Warren court, Justice John Marshall Harlan, repeatedly cautioned that application of the Bill of Rights to the states would lead to a dilution in the scope of federal rights. Justice Harlan saw "a major danger of the 'incorporation' approach-that provisions of the Bill of Rights may be watered down in the needless pursuit of uniformity." Duncan v. Louisiana ,
Justice Harlan, of course, time and time again, has been proven correct. When looking to United States Supreme Court precedent, it is imperative we understand that its approach to individual rights is discounted from constitutional norms in light of federalism concerns. Indeed, in the search and seizure areas since incorporation, the United States Supreme Court has persistently cut back on substantive protections while repeatedly emphasizing the ability of the states to expand the constitutional protections under their state constitutions. See, e.g. , California v. Greenwood ,
Sixth, it must be acknowledged that the current United States Supreme Court is a rights-restricting court. Ever since Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka ,
In the end, there has been what nearly all observers agree is a significant shift in the Supreme Court's jurisprudence. And time and time again, the Court, often over strong objections of dissenters, has whittled away at the scope of individual liberties using innovative contemporary documents to extend state authority. See, e.g. , Samson v. California ,
That said, I agree with Justice McDonald that there should be no artificial presumption that the Iowa Constitution is more protective than federal caselaw in any given case. Instead, we should independently examine each case, free from any predisposition, and engage in a thorough review of plausible legal options without any artificial doctrines that block independent thinking. In light of Justice McDonald's opinion, it is clear that a majority of this court continues to embrace this approach.
3. Iowa search and seizure: Embracing the warrant-preference approach and the constitutional underpinnings of the exclusionary rule. Our search and seizure law has followed a different path than that of the United States Supreme Court. Early on, we emphasized that the Iowa Constitution's protections against unconstitutionally obtained evidence were to apply "in a broad and liberal" spirit. State v. Height ,
But, noted in Ochoa , we have at times simply adopted decisions of the United States Supreme Court without analysis. 792 N.W.2d at 265-66. In Cline , however, *888we departed from the lockstep approach by emphasizing that "[i]f precedent is to have any value it must be based on a convincing rationale."
In order to resolve any inconsistency in our prior cases, we now hold that, while United States Supreme Court cases are entitled to respectful consideration, we will engage in independent analysis of the content of our state search and seizure provisions.
Under our current caselaw, we have departed from the United States Supreme Court in two fundamental ways. First, as noted in Ingram , our recent cases have embraced a strong warrant-preference interpretation of article I, section 8. 914 N.W.2d at 816 ; see Gaskins ,
Second, in Cline , we rejected the narrow, pragmatic approach of Leon , which viewed the exclusionary rule as simply a judicially created remedy.
*889In support of our position in Cline , we quoted the familiar language of Height , which declared that the "guaranty [of article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution ] ... has ... received a broad and liberal interpretation for the purpose of preserving the spirit of constitutional liberty."
Cline thus represents a substantial departure from United States Supreme Court precedent in the interpretation of constitutional search and seizure provisions. It rejected pragmatic calculations of the Court and recognized the exclusion of unconstitutionally obtained evidence in "preserving the spirit of constitutional liberty." Id. at 285 (quoting Height ,
Because of our insistence on emphasizing the preference for warrants under article I, section 8 and our conclusion that the substantive search and seizure provisions of the Iowa Constitution require the exclusion of evidence obtained in violation of the constitutional commands, our Iowa framework for search and seizure questions is different from the more recent innovations introduced by the United States Supreme Court in its search and seizure cases.
C. Application of Search and Seizure Doctrine to Automobiles.
1. Federal approach: Shrinking protection. With the advent of the automobile, questions arose regarding the application of search and seizure protections to vehicles on public highways. In Carroll v. United States ,
In a sharp dissent in Carroll , Justice McReynolds found that only mere suspicion and not probable cause supported the warrantless action of the government agents in the case.
Almost fifty years later, the Supreme Court decided Chambers v. Maroney ,
Yet the Supreme Court has also at times expressed concern about search and seizure involving automobiles. For example, Justice Jackson declared, "I am convinced that there are, many unlawful searches of ... automobiles of innocent people which turn up nothing incriminating, in which no arrest is made, about which courts do nothing, and about which we never hear." Brinegar ,
And the Supreme Court concluded that a traffic stop, even for a brief period, constitutes a seizure. Delaware v. Prouse ,
Beginning in the mid-1970s, however, the Supreme Court embarked on an aggressive course designed to trim back more robust search and seizure protections of automobiles. In a series of cases, the Supreme Court held that the warrant requirement of the Fourth Amendment did not apply to automobiles in a variety of settings. See, e.g. , Mich. Dep't of State Police v. Sitz ,
These cases established an important backdrop to the Whren Court's rejection of control of pretextual stops. 517 U.S. at 819, 116 S. Ct. at 1777. When a warrant is obtained, of course, the state must make a particularized showing of probable cause and the purpose and scope of a search is *891limited by the magistrate. A warrantless search, however, contains no such restraints. The combination of the lack of a warrant requirement in the automobile context and the tolerance of pretextual searches in Whren presents a clear path for unregulated, arbitrary police conduct.
And developments in Supreme Court caselaw after Whren further increased the dangers of unregulated police searches and seizures involving automobiles. In the case of Atwater ,
And there is one more twist. In Heien v. North Carolina ,
2. Approaches under state law: Independence. The Supreme Court's determination to cut back on robust interpretation of search and seizure law under the Fourth Amendment was not universally admired in state courts. Indeed, on several notable occasions, when the United States Supreme Court reversed state supreme court rulings providing Fourth Amendment protection in the context of automobiles, the state supreme courts on remand followed their prior approaches on state constitutional grounds. For instance, after the United States Supreme Court upheld a roadblock-type seizure in Sitz ,
There are many other occasions where state supreme courts have declined to follow federal precedents in the interpretation of state constitutions. For example, the New Hampshire Supreme Court rejected the automobile exception in State v. Sterndale ,
3. Iowa approach: Resilience. In recent years, we have been increasingly concerned with the expansive reach of federal law in the search and seizure of automobiles. We have limited the reach of government power in the automobile context in a series of cases by relying on article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution. Thus, while the United States Supreme Court has trimmed back its search and seizure protections in the automobile context, we have generally held firm.
For instance, in State v. Tague ,
A few years later, in Vance , 790 N.W.2d at 786, we considered whether counsel was ineffective for failure to consider whether the holding in New York v. Belton ,
Next, in Pals ,
In Pals , we also noted criticism of the Schneckloth test for consent both because of its failure to require a knowing and voluntary waiver of rights and in the lack of stringent application.
In State v. Tyler ,
In Tyler , we came to our approach under both the Iowa and Federal Constitutions.
Our next recent automobile case is Gaskins ,
We concluded that the search of the safe was not a valid search incident to arrest.
In Gaskins , we chose to reject the Belton approach under the Iowa Constitution.
In analyzing the case, we recognized that we had adopted Belton in a lockstep fashion in State v. Sanders ,
We returned to another automobile search in Coleman , 890 N.W.2d at 285. In Coleman , we considered whether an automobile stop could be extended to require production of a driver's license or registration after the underlying basis for the stop had been resolved. Id. After surveying federal and state court authorities, we concluded that under article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution, the traffic stop could not be extended so that the officer could request papers from the driver after the original basis for the stop had been resolved. Id. at 299-301. We emphasized that "cabining official discretion to conduct searches is designed to prevent arbitrary use of police power." Id. at 299. We noted that our recent cases "evinced an awareness of the potential for arbitrary government action on the state's roads and highways." Id. at 300. We noted that in Pals and Tyler , "we put traffic stops in the larger context of concerns surrounding racial profiling." Id.
In State v. Storm ,
In his special concurrence, however, Chief Justice Cady emphasized that on the record developed in the case, the defendant had not shown that technological developments rendered the automobile exception obsolete.
Last, we considered the proper approach to warrantless inventory searches *895pursuant to automobile stops in Ingram , 914 N.W.2d at 797. In Ingram , we used a method of analysis similar to that in Gaskins , exploring the validity of the stated rationale for warrantless inventory searches and canvassing applicable state and federal authorities. See id. at 801-12. We observed, among other things, that the Supreme Court's approach to warrantless inventory search and seizure caselaw was highly contested. Id. at 805. Yet we recognized that thirty-five years before Ingram , we held in State v. Roth ,
Nonetheless, we concluded in Ingram that the time had come to depart from federal precedent in our inventory search doctrine under article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution. Id. at 820-21. We also noted the powerful intersection of Whren , Atwater , and Bertine to provide law enforcement with "virtually unlimited discretion to stop arbitrarily whomever they choose, arrest the driver for a minor offense that might not even be subject to jail penalties, and then obtain a broad inventory search of the vehicle-all without a warrant." Id. at 814. We observed that "[a]n essentially unregulated legal framework allowing wide police discretion in stopping, arresting, and conducting warrantless inventory searches of the driver's automobile amounts to a general warrant regime that is anathema to search and seizure law." Id. at 815. We rejected the approach of the United States Supreme Court in downgrading and demoting the warrant clause in favor of a general, free-floating reasonableness standard in its search and seizure law. Id. at 815-16. We reiterated that our recent cases embrace "a strong warrant preference interpretation of article I, section 8." Id. at 816.
4. Summary. While the United States Supreme Court has engaged in a dramatic reduction of search and seizure protections in the automobile context, the trend in our law has been in the opposite direction. Unlike the recent innovative search and seizure decisions of the United States Supreme Court, this court has insisted on our traditional strong preference for search warrants even in the automobile context. In particular, we have been careful to ensure that our law does not permit law enforcement to operate with what amounts to the equivalent of a general warrant and expose large segments of the population to search and seizure without a particularized showing of the basis for the intrusion on liberty.
V. The Constitutionality of Searches Based on Pretext.
A. Overview of Pretextual Searches. In the earliest court cases, pretextual searches appear to have been disfavored in the few cases that addressed the issue. In the 1960s, "the Kerner Commission identified [pretextual stops] as racially discriminatory and a key trigger of the urban riots" of the decade. Charles R. Epp et al., Pulled Over: How Police Stops Define Race and Citizenship 27, 31 (2014) [hereinafter Epp et al.].
With the commencement of the "war on drugs" in the early 1980s, pretextual searches made something of a comeback. For instance, the Drug Enforcement Administration embarked on a cooperative, state-federal program, called Operation Pipeline, that was intended to halt the flow of drugs on interstate highways through traffic stops designed to allow officers to investigate whether the drivers were involved in drug trafficking. Wayne R. LaFave, *896The "Routine Traffic Stop" from Start to Finish: Too Much "Routine," Not Enough Fourth Amendment ,
The potential abuses arising from pretextual investigative traffic stops were apparent at the time of Whren . See, e.g. , United States v. Harvey ,
Events after Whren have put the issue into even sharper relief. In the more than twenty years since Whren , many studies have found that African-Americans and other minorities are disproportionately subject to police seizures. See, e.g. , Frank R. Baumgartner et al., Racial Disparities in Traffic Stop Outcomes , 9 Duke F. for L. & Soc. Change 21, 24-26 (2017) [hereinafter Baumgartner et al., Racial Disparities in Traffic Stop Outcomes ] (noting ubiquity of substantial racial disparities stemming from traffic stops in each of the sixteen states with available data, including Missouri, Nebraska, and Illinois); Ronnie A. Dunn, Racial Profiling: A Persistent Civil Rights Challenge Even in the Twenty-First Century ,
Finally, anecdotal evidence of what has become known as "driving while black" continues to accumulate. When Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was arrested on January 26, 1956, in Montgomery, Alabama, for driving thirty miles per hour in a zone with a speed limit of twenty-five miles per hour, *897no one seriously believed that King was arrested to protect the traveling public. See Randall Kennedy, Martin Luther King's Constitution: A Legal History of the Montgomery Bus Boycott ,
B. Approaches to Pretext Prior to Whren .
1. Approaches to pretextual investigative searches in United States Supreme Court cases prior to Whren. Prior to Whren , the United States Supreme Court in several cases indicated that pretextual searches were likely to be unlawful under the Fourth Amendment. For example, in United States v. Lefkowitz , the Supreme Court considered whether the Fourth Amendment was violated where law enforcement conducted a thorough search of a premises solely armed with an arrest warrant.
Similarly, in Abel v. United States , the Supreme Court considered the use of an administrative warrant to gather evidence of espionage.
The Supreme Court rejected the claim based on the facts of the case.
After Lefkowitz and Abel , a number of United States Supreme Court cases suggested that pretextual searches would raise serious constitutional problems. For instance, in Steagald v. United States ,
And in several cases upholding searches, the Supreme Court emphasized the lack of evidence showing that the searches were pretextual. For example, in Colorado v. Bannister ,
Finally, in New York v. Burger ,
whether an otherwise proper administrative inspection is unconstitutional because the ultimate purpose of the regulatory statute pursuant to which the search is done-the deterrence of criminal behavior-is the same as that of penal laws, with the result that the inspection may disclose violations not only of the regulatory statute but also of the penal statutes.
The Lefkowitz-Abel line of cases made sense, particularly during the years when the Supreme Court embraced a strong warrant-preference approach to the Fourth Amendment. Yet there were also cases that suggested that drawing the line at pretextual searches might not hold in light of pragmatic considerations embraced by some members of the Court.
For example, in Massachusetts v. Painten ,
The United States Supreme Court seemed to wobble around the Lefkowitz-Abel line in United States v. Robinson ,
In Robinson , the Supreme Court concluded that a search incident to arrest in a traffic stop was always permitted, even without reasonable suspicion. See id. at 235, 95 S. Ct. at 477. In a footnote, the Court summarized Robinson's position in the lower court (but not the Supreme Court), where he asserted that the officer "may have used the subsequent traffic violation arrest as a mere pretext for a narcotics search." Id. at 221 n.1, 94 S. Ct. at 470 n.1. The Robinson Court noted that placing Robinson in custody following his arrest "was not a departure from established police department practice." Id. The Robinson Court thus was not required to directly address the validity of a pretextual stop. Id.
Justice Marshall, joined by Justices Douglas and Brennan, dissented. Id. at 238, 94 S. Ct. at 477 (Marshall, J., dissenting). Justice Marshall emphasized that whether evidence should be suppressed as a result of a traffic stop raised a fact-specific question. Id. at 248, 94 S. Ct. at 482. He cited cases from state jurisdictions that stood for the proposition that an arrest for a minor traffic charge cannot be used as a lever for expanding the search, including unsupported pat-down searches. Id. at 244-46, 94 S. Ct. at 481-82. Justice Marshall emphasized the Lefkowitz-Abel line of cases in rejecting the majority's proposition that all that was required to support the search in the case was an *900objectively valid traffic arrest. Id. at 248, 94 S. Ct. at 483.
Next, in Scott v. United States ,
In affirming the reversal of the district court, the Supreme Court held that under the facts of the case, the agents never reached the point where they had a duty to minimize the calls. Id. at 141-42, 98 S. Ct. at 1725-26. What they might have done had they crossed that threshold, however, was irrelevant. See id. The Supreme Court stated, "[T]he fact that the officer does not have the state of mind which is hypothecated by the reasons which provide the legal justification for the officer's action does not invalidate the action." Id. at 138, 98 S. Ct. at 1723.
Another case of interest is United States v. Villamonte-Marquez ,
Prior to Whren , then, there were two competing strands of language in Supreme Court precedents. The Lefkowitz-Abel strand emphasized that pretextual searches were invalid and even amounted to serious misconduct by law enforcement. Yet in the Scott-Robinson line, the Supreme Court's language emphasized the burdens of engaging in subjective inquiry of the purposes of law enforcement.
2. Pretextual investigative stops in lower federal courts prior to Whren. Given the competing lines of Supreme Court authority, it is not surprising that a split in the federal circuit courts developed regarding the lawfulness of pretextual searches. The majority of federal circuit courts followed the approach in the Scott-Robinson line of cases by holding that where an officer has objective reasons to believe a traffic violation has occurred, the stop is reasonable. This approach is sometimes referred to as the "could have" test because what is important is not the officer's actual motivation but, instead, whether an objective officer, under all the facts and circumstances, could have a reasonable basis for the traffic stop. See, e.g. , United States v. Botero-Ospina ,
A number of these federal circuit court cases, however, provoked strong dissents. For instance, in Botero-Ospina , the Tenth Circuit reversed its approach to pretextual searches announced in *901United States v. Guzman ,
Chief Judge Seymour urged application of a reasonable officer standard, such as that articulated in Terry ,
[T]he magnitude of the majority's deviation from Supreme Court precedent and the poverty of its reasons for doing so prompt me to observe that it is not for this court to provide law enforcement with a weapon in the war on drugs at the expense of the Fourth Amendment. A conviction won by eroding every individual's right to personal security is dearly bought indeed. In my judgment, we are perilously close to selling our birthright for bread and pottage.
Id. at 795.
Judge Lucero also filed a dissenting opinion in Botero-Ospina . Id. (Lucero, J., dissenting). He pointed out that the majority's message to law enforcement officers was, "You may stop motorists on a subterfuge; we don't care and we won't ask." Id. Judge Lucero found a similarity between the majority's approach and the general warrants and writs of assistance that triggered the American Revolution. Id. at 796. He closed with the following observation:
I have every confidence in the ability of the trial courts to determine whether Fourth Amendment-related traffic stops are reasonable under a totality of the circumstances test. I do not agree that merely asking whether an officer could have made a stop is an objective standard for reasonableness; rather I see it as a warrant for arbitrary exercise of police power.
And in Causey , Judge Rubin filed a dissent worth pondering.
Finally, in Harvey , Chief Judge Keith powerfully dissented.
While the majority of the circuits had adopted the view that a traffic stop was permissible under the "could have" test, two circuits adopted what amounted to the "would have" test. For example, in United States v. Cannon , the Ninth Circuit adhered to the view that pretextual searches were unlawful.
Similarly, in United States v. Smith ,
3. Approaches to pretextual searches in state court decisions prior to Whren. State courts have far more experience with traffic stops than do federal courts. Given their experience with the law of the road, state courts were more receptive than federal courts to penetrating pretextual stops. Prior to Whren , many state courts that considered the issue believed the proper test for whether an allegedly pretextual stop was valid was whether an objective police officer would have made the stop notwithstanding the pretextual motivation. See, e.g. , Mings v. State ,
Under the "would have" test, the question in a pretextual traffic stop is whether a reasonable officer would have made the stop notwithstanding any improper investigative motive. By the mid-1990s, the reasonable officer standard for evaluating pretextual stops under the "would have" test seemed to be gaining ground among *903the states. See Thanner v. State ,
4. Approaches to pretextual searches in Iowa prior to Whren. Prior to Whren , this court had several occasions to consider the validity of pretextual stops. In State v. Cooley ,
Cooley sought to suppress evidence arising from the stop.
Although a provision of the Iowa Code provided for a stop to inspect the operator's permit, we held that the police stop was unlawful.
After Cooley , we repeatedly emphasized, in strong and direct language, that an officer is bound by the true reason for making a stop. See State v. Wiese ,
In one pre- Whren case, however, we recognized that the United States Supreme Court might be changing course on *904the question of pretextual arrests. In State v. Garcia ,
The bottom line is that for twenty years prior to Whren , Iowa consistently held the actual subjective motivation of the officer provided the relevant yardstick in determining whether a search was unlawfully pretextual.
C. Overview of Whren . In 1996, the United States Supreme Court considered the case of Whren v. United States ,
In Whren , police in an unmarked car in a "high drug area" in the District of Columbia observed a truck wait at a stop sign for an unusually long time, turn suddenly without signaling, and speed off at an "unreasonable" speed.
At the Supreme Court, Whren challenged the district court's denial of his motion to suppress the evidence.
The Whren Court indicated that the result in the case was dictated by prior precedent. Id. at 813, 116 S. Ct. at 1774. The Court characterized a footnote in Villamonte-Marquez ,
*905Whren , 517 U.S. at 813, 116 S. Ct. at 1774. Finally, the Court quoted Scott for the proposition that "[s]ubjective intent alone ... does not make otherwise lawful conduct illegal or unconstitutional." Id. (alterations in original) (quoting Scott ,
When the Whren Court asked itself rhetorically why its test would even preclude actual and admitted pretext from Fourth Amendment scrutiny, it simply observed that this "more sensible option" was foreclosed by its precedents. Id. at 814, 116 S. Ct. at 1774-75. The Whren Court further emphasized that the limiting precedents were not based on the difficulty of proving subjective intent but rather on the principle that "the Fourth Amendment's concern with 'reasonableness' allows certain actions to be taken in certain circumstances, whatever the subjective intent." Id. at 814, 116 S. Ct. at 1775. With respect to the suggestion that Fourth Amendment reasonableness requires balancing, the Court emphasized that "the result of that balancing is not in doubt where the search or seizure is based upon probable cause." Id. at 817, 116 S. Ct. at 1776.
The Whren Court recognized the argument that traffic laws were so pervasive that virtually everyone is guilty of a violation of some kind. Id. at 818, 116 S. Ct. at 1777. It declared, however, that it could not discern a standard to decide when such laws become so expansive and so commonly violated that the infraction itself cannot be the ordinary measure of the lawfulness of enforcement. Id. at 818-19, 116 S. Ct. at 1777.
The Whren Court briefly acknowledged that racial profiling could be used in a discriminatory fashion in the context of pretextual search and seizure. See id. at 813, 116 S. Ct. at 1774. The Whren Court, however, declared that the remedy for such discrimination was found in the Equal Protection Clause, not the Fourth Amendment. Id.
D. Approaches to Pretextual Search and Seizure After Whren .
1. Whren in federal courts. The Supreme Court has applied the principle of Whren in follow-up cases. See, e.g. , Devenpeck v. Alford ,
Yet controversy remains. Consider the recent case of United States v. Johnson ,
The district court, relying on Whren , denied Johnson's motion to suppress. Id. According to the district court, the officers' desire to investigate drugs did not matter because the officers had objective reasons to believe that the car was illegally parked. See id. The majority opinion in Johnson held that Whren applies to parking violations and, because objective evidence of a parking violation subjected the driver to a parking ticket, there was sufficient reason to support the seizure of Johnson even if the officers' true motivation was investigatory in nature. See id. at 573-74.
The majority opinion in Johnson provoked a sharp dissent joined by two other judges. Id. at 575 (Hamilton, J., dissenting). The dissent noted that five officers *906swooped down on the vehicle with lights shining, opened the doors, pulled all the passengers from the vehicle, and handcuffed them, all because of a suspected parking violation of being too close to an unmarked crosswalk. Id. The dissenters noted that Whren , when coupled with additional cases, including Atwater ,
Johnson sought certiorari. Petition for a Writ of Certiorari at i, Johnson , --- U.S. ----,
Nevertheless, there is reason to believe that members of the United States Supreme Court have at least some concern about how Whren has played out in the real world. Four cases illustrate the point.
In Maryland v. Wilson ,
The practical effect of our holding in Whren , of course, is to allow the police to stop vehicles in almost countless circumstances. When Whren is coupled with today's holding, the Court puts tens of millions of passengers at risk of arbitrary control by the police.
Id. at 423, 117 S. Ct. at 890. Further, in a dissent joined by Justice Kennedy, Justice Stevens said that he "firmly believe[d] that the Fourth Amendment prohibits routine and arbitrary seizures of obviously innocent citizens." Id. at 416, 117 S. Ct. at 887 (Stevens, J., dissenting). The focus on Fourth Amendment protection against arbitrariness in both dissenting opinions was nowhere to be found in Whren .
Later, in Arkansas v. Sullivan ,
Next, in Utah v. Strieff , 579 U.S. ----, ----,
Justice Sotomayor, joined in part by Justice Ginsberg, dissented.
Justice Kagan also dissented, joined by Justice Ginsburg.
Finally, in District of Columbia v. Wesby , 583 U.S. ----, ----,
Justice Ginsburg concurred in the judgment in part. Id. at ----, 138 S. Ct. at 593 *908(concurring in the judgment in part). She expressed concern that the Supreme Court's approach to search and seizure "sets the balance too heavily in favor of police unaccountability to the detriment of Fourth Amendment protection." Id. at ----, 138 S. Ct. at 594. She noted, among other things, that commentators have criticized the path charted in Whren and its progeny, which hold that "an arresting officer's state of mind ... is irrelevant to the existence of probable cause." Id. (alteration in original) (quoting Devenpeck ,
Wilson , Sullivan , Strieff , and Wesby do not necessarily indicate a majority of the current Supreme Court is in favor of departing from Whren . But the concurring and dissenting opinions show that among some current members of the Supreme Court, the consequences of Whren are cause for concern.
2. Whren in state courts. After Whren , many state courts conformed their interpretations of state constitutional search and seizure provisions to that federal decision. Most state courts have done so with little analysis, often by simply lockstepping state constitutional law with federal precedent even if contrary to prior state court holdings. See, e.g. , Gama ,
I first turn to cases out of Washington. Like Iowa, the Washington Supreme Court has insisted on the warrant-preference approach and has rejected the Leon approach under the state constitution. State v. Afana ,
The Washington Supreme Court declined to follow Whren under the state constitution in Ladson ,
In Ladson , the Washington Supreme Court framed the issue of pretext as follows:
[T]he problem with a pretextual traffic stop is that it is a search or seizure which cannot be constitutionally justified for its true reason (i.e., speculative criminal investigation), but only for some other reason (i.e., to enforce traffic code) which is at once lawfully sufficient but not the real reason. Pretext is therefore a triumph of form over substance; a triumph of expediency at the expense of reason.
In the subsequent case of State v. Arreola ,
A Delaware court also declined to follow Whren under its state constitution in State v. Heath ,
As a result, the Heath court declined to follow Whren under article I, section 6 of the Delaware Constitution.
(1) he was stopped only for a traffic violation; (2) he was later arrested for and charged with a crime unrelated to the stop; (3) the crime or evidence of the crime was discovered as a result of the stop; (4) the traffic stop was merely a *910pretextual purpose, alleging that the officer had a hunch about, or suspected the defendant of, a non-traffic related offense unsupported by reasonable suspicion; and (5) the pretext can be inferred, at least, when the suppression hearing evidence is presented.
(1) evidence of the arresting officer's non-compliance with written police regulations; (2) evidence of the abnormal nature of the traffic stop; (3) testimony of the arresting officer that his reason for the stop was pretextual; (4) evidence that the officer's typical employment duties do not include traffic stops; (5) evidence that the officer was driving an unmarked car or was not in uniform; and (6) evidence that the stop was unnecessary for the protection of traffic safety.
If the defendant meets his or her burden in this second step, a presumption of pretext arises.
I next turn to New Mexico. Like Washington, New Mexico adheres to the warrant-preference approach to search and seizure under its state constitution and rejects Leon . Campos v. State ,
The New Mexico Court of Appeals has also declined to follow Whren. In State v. Ochoa , the New Mexico court considered the validity of a pretextual traffic stop under article II, section 10 of the New Mexico Constitution.
*911In order to determine the issue of pretext, the New Mexico court stated that "courts should consider the totality of the circumstances, judge the credibility of witnesses, weigh the evidence, make a decision, and exclude the evidence if the stop was unreasonable at its inception."
3. Iowa's response to Whren. After Whren , we decided Cline ,
The issue in Cline , however, was not whether the initial stop was pretextual and designed to permit a search for which there was no constitutionally sufficient basis. This issue of pretext was not raised by the parties in briefing and was not decided. Further, the briefing nowhere suggests that the Iowa Constitution should be interpreted in a fashion different from the federal counterpart on this issue. Thus, the question of whether we should depart from Whren in the context of pretextual searches was not before the court and not decided. Instead, we simply held that when applying a Terry -type test to determine the validity of the initial seizure, the analysis was objective in nature. See
Two years later, we decided State v. Kreps ,
In State v. Griffin ,
In a conclusory opinion, we noted that because of the nearly identical federal and state search and seizure provisions, "the construction of the federal constitution is persuasive in our interpretation of the state provision." Griffin ,
Notably in Griffin , however, we did not mention let alone overrule Cooley ,
In State v. Predka ,
In State v. Nitcher ,
Finally, in Harrison ,
In any event, if we insisted on blinkered application of stare decisis, cases like Brown v. Board of Education ,
*913(explaining that past reliance on federal caselaw in construing an Indiana constitutional provision does not preclude formulation of an independent standard for analyzing state constitutional claims under the provision); Jack L. Landau, Some Thoughts About State Constitutional Interpretation ,
VI. Application of Iowa Constitutional Principles to Pretextual Searches.
A. Problems with Whren .
1. Lack of understanding of historical context of Fourth Amendment and subsequent caselaw. Remarkably, Whren contains no discussion at all about the history or function of the Fourth Amendment. There is not a word regarding the revolutionary generation's deeply held concern about general warrants and open-ended government authority to engage in search and seizure. One will find no citation to the "briny irreverence" of the colonist toward the arbitrary exercise of government power. Burger, 14 Am. U. L. Rev. at 4 (quoting Cahn at 24). The admonitions of Judge Pratt and Mercy Otis Warren about the exercise of general discretionary power to engage in unfettered search and seizure are ignored. See Entick , 95 Eng. Rep. at 818; 2 Wils. K.B. at 292; Finkelman, 16 S. Ill. U. L.J. at 392. The important constitutional role of the Fourth Amendment-to restrain wide-open discretion of government officials to stop any car on the open road-is not analyzed under the facts of the case.
Instead, Whren simply skipped the lessons of history and omitted any consideration of the structural role of the Fourth Amendment in limiting law enforcement discretion. Whren speed skated to its conclusion, namely, that the Court's prior caselaw foreclosed any conclusion that pretextual traffic stops might offend the Fourth Amendment. See 517 U.S. at 812-13, 116 S. Ct. at 1774. The opinion is on authority, not reason. But Whren 's demand of obedience to the Court's authority was off the mark.
For instance, the Whren opinion relies heavily on the Scott case. See id. at 813, 116 S. Ct. at 1774. The Scott case, however, did not involve a question of pretext at all but only a question of whether law enforcement complied with a statutory directive to minimize intercepted communications.
Another case relied upon in Whren was Robinson . Whren , 517 U.S. at 812-13, 116 S. Ct. at 1774. The Whren opinion characterized Robinson as holding that a "traffic-violation arrest ... would not be rendered invalid by the fact that it was 'a mere pretext for a narcotics search.' " Id. (quoting Robinson , 414 U.S. at 221 n.1, 94 S. Ct. at 470 n.1 ). But the Robinson footnote cited in Whren did not present a holding at all but only a statement of the government's position in the matter. Robinson , 414 U.S. at 221 n.1, 94 S. Ct. at 470 n.1. Indeed, a careful reading of the footnote reveals that the pretextual argument was abandoned in the Supreme Court. Id. Further, as Professor Wayne R. LaFave points out, the custodial arrest in Robinson "was not a departure from established *914police department practice." 1 Wayne R. LaFave, Search & Seizure: A Treatise on the Fourth Amendment § 1.4(f), at 182 (5th ed. 2012) [hereinafter LaFave, Search & Seizure ] (quoting Robinson , 414 U.S. at 221 n.1, 94 S. Ct. at 470 n.1 ). Robinson "leave[s] for another day questions which would arise on facts different from these." 414 U.S. at 221 n.1, 94 S. Ct. at 470 n.1.
The Whren Court also relied upon Gustafson . Whren , 517 U.S. at 813, 116 S. Ct. at 1774. In Gustafson , however, "the petitioner ... fully conceded the constitutional validity of his custodial arrest." 414 U.S. at 267, 94 S. Ct. at 492 (Stewart, J., concurring). The Supreme Court does not decide issues abandoned by the parties.
Another case relied upon was Villamonte-Marquez . Whren , 517 U.S. at 812, 116 S. Ct. at 1774. That case relied heavily on the need to protect our nation's borders. See Villamonte-Marquez ,
In sum, the appeal to authority in Whren fails. That is not to say, of course, that the Supreme Court's caselaw required the question be resolved in Whren's favor. But what the case required was a thoughtful review of the purposes of the Fourth Amendment, a balanced review of the caselaw, and a careful application of legal principles to the facts at hand. That simply did not happen in Whren .
2. The pervasiveness of automobile regulation makes unregulated government authority to conduct traffic stops the equivalent of a general warrant. Ordinarily, the requirement of probable cause or reasonable suspicion serves as a check on arbitrary search and seizure. This particularized protection against arbitrariness, however, is absent in the context of automobile regulation. As has been recognized by many authorities, just about any motorist who police follow for any distance will commit some kind of minor traffic violation that could be used as a springboard for a pretextual stop.
As has been noted in the commentary, "If several, or in the case of traffic offenses, most, persons are committing the same offense and practical realities preclude an officer from stopping them all, then probable cause does not meaningfully limit an officer's discretion." Wesley MacNeil Oliver, With an Evil Eye and an Unequal Hand: Pretextual Stops and Doctrinal Remedies to Racial Profiling ,
[G]iven the pervasiveness of such minor offenses and the ease with which law enforcement agents may uncover them in the conduct of virtually everyone, [the requirement of a traffic violation to conduct a stop] hardly matters, for ... there exists "a power that places the liberty of every man in the hands of every petty officer," precisely the kind of arbitrary authority that gave rise to the Fourth Amendment.
LaFave, Search and Seizure § 1.4(e), at 173 (quoting John Adams, Abstract of the Argument, in 2 Legal Papers of John Adams 134, 141-42 (L. Kinvin Worth & Hiller B. Zobel eds., 1965)).
The cases demonstrate that LaFave is right. The cases reveal pretextual stops for minor violations, such as driving sixty-eight miles per hour in a sixty-five miles per hour zone, United States v. Navarro-Camacho ,
In Iowa, the traffic code is pervasive. Iowa Code chapter 321 (2016), entitled "Motor Vehicles and Law of the Road," consists of 245 pages of regulations, not including the table of contents. Traffic stops may be made for countless minor offenses that call for the exercise of discretion, such as driving with a license plate that is not "free from foreign materials," like dirt,
If it is true that every motorist is subject to a pretextual stop, the unfettered authority to engage in traffic stops is the equivalent of the hated general warrant that animates our search and seizure law. A general warrant authorized law enforcement to engage in wide-open, discretionary stops without particularized reasons for conducting the stop. See, e.g. , Oliver, 74 Tul. L. Rev. at 1411-12 ("The Fourth Amendment's historical background clearly demonstrates a fear of the discretion of the official in the field, at that time embodied in general warrants that empowered an officer to search wherever he chose for evidence of a crime."). The Supreme Court in Whren simply did not recognize the pervasiveness of regulation nor the striking similarity of traffic stops to a general warrant in light of that pervasiveness. See id. at 1412.
The Whren Court seemed to think that probable cause that a traffic infraction had occurred was sufficient to cabin law enforcement discretion in the context of traffic stops. See 517 U.S. at 817-18, 116 S. Ct. at 1776-77. Often, a particularized showing can be a significant restraint. But in the context of pervasive traffic violations, it is no restraint at all. Reliance on probable cause that a traffic violation occurred, in essence, gives law enforcement officers carte blanche to engage in traffic stops based on their own whims, prejudices, or implicit biases.
*916Further, the Supreme Court in Whren did not recognize the role of search and seizure law, not only in ensuring government action is justified, but also in ensuring that government action is not arbitrary. The Court seemed oblivious to the history of search and seizure and the declarations of Judge Pratt in Entick and of Mercy Otis Warren during the ratification debate in America of the need to control arbitrary searches where large bodies of the population are subject to them. See Entick , 95 Eng. Rep. at 818; 2 Wils. K.B. at 292; Finkelman, 16 S. Ill. U. L.J. at 392. Judge Pratt and Mercy Otis Warren would find the approach in Whren quite disturbing.
3. Lack of analysis on the methods of controlling pretextual stops. The Supreme Court in Whren did not seriously analyze the potential methods of regulating pretextual stops. For instance, for twenty-five years after Cooley ,
In reality, fact finders engage in subjective inquiries in many areas of our law. Motive is key in countless areas of law that require a determination of mens rea or bad faith. For example, motive is an important part of status-based discrimination and retaliation law under the Iowa Civil Rights Act, Iowa Code chapter 216. See Haskenhoff ,
Federal law also considers subjective purpose in many contexts. Under Franks v. Delaware ,
Further, the approach in Whren is inconsistent with the Supreme Court's inventory and administrative search cases. In the context of inventory and administrative search cases, government agents' exercise of discretion to conduct a search is not controlled by a requirement of particularity. See Burger ,
Just as the inventory and administrative searches are not controlled by a particularity requirement, the same is true in the context of a routine traffic stop. Because of the ubiquity of traffic violations, any requirement of particularity does not provide a meaningful control on the exercise of government discretion. Law enforcement can stop any driver on the road by tailing him or her for a few blocks. As a result, particularity provides no check on unfettered discretion to perform a traffic stop. Thus, as in the inventory and administrative search cases, a further check is required, namely, some kind of inquiry into the purpose of the government action. When placed in the proper Fourth Amendment context-i.e., ensuring proper limitations on unfettered government discretion-Whren is inconsistent with Bertine and Burger .
Even if pure inquiry into subjective intent is disfavored, the alternative "would have" test that was proposed in Whren is largely an objective test. From a methodological standpoint, it is virtually identical to the test articulated in Terry ,
While the approach I advocate is said to be unworkable, the trend in the states prior to Whren was moving toward permitting challenges to pretextual searches. See, e.g. , Mings ,
In any event, the pragmatic policy considerations offered by followers of Whren , strikingly, do not include the constitutionally based policy of prohibiting the generalized exercise of discretion by police officers in conducting searches and seizures. Generalized authority to search is anathema *918to search and seizure law. The very purpose of search and seizure law is to cabin discretion of law enforcement. According to Chief Justice Burger, search and seizure law was based on "a sort of briny irreverence toward officials." Burger, 14 Am. U. L. Rev. at 4 (quoting Cahn at 24). Where is the "briny irreverence" in the opinions of the court in this case toward the exercise of government power to search and seize? To claim that cabining generalized discretion in the hands of law enforcement is inconvenient is to overrule the constitutional principles embraced in search and seizure law in the name of contemporary policy.
4. Giving short shrift to the problem of racial profiling. The impact on our population of racial profiling in our criminal justice system should not be ignored. As noted by the Ninth Circuit in United States v. Montero-Camargo ,
Stops based on race or ethnic appearance send the underlying message to all our citizens that those who are not white are judged by the color of their skin alone. Such stops also send a clear message that those who are not white enjoy a lesser degree of constitutional protection-that they are in effect assumed to be potential criminals first and individuals second.
Whren 's impact with respect to racial profiling claims in the context of routine traffic stops under the Fourth Amendment is clear: there is no protection. As noted by two leading scholars, " Whren v. United States is notorious for its effective legitimation of racial profiling in the United States." Gabriel J. Chin & Charles J. Vernon, Reasonable but Unconstitutional: Racial Profiling and the Radical Objectivity of Whren v. United States,
5. Inadequate analysis of potential equal protection claims. The Whren opinion briefly addresses the concern about racial discrimination. According to Whren , the constitutional basis for objecting to intentionally discriminatory application of laws is the Equal Protection Clause, not the Fourth Amendment. 517 U.S. at 813, 116 S. Ct. at 1774.
The referral of defendants challenging pretextual traffic stops to the Equal Protection Clause is rich in irony. The Supreme Court in Whren rejected inquiry into the subjective state of mind of a police officer under the Fourth Amendment. Id. Yet it suggested that defendants alleging racial profiling might seek an equal protection remedy. Id. Under the applicable federal law, a criminal defendant seeking to establish an equal protection violation has the burden of showing racial animus. Washington v. Davis ,
There are other problems. It is unclear that the exclusionary rule applies to equal protection violations. See United States v. Armstrong ,
In addition, an individual defendant in a pretextual traffic stop simply does not ordinarily have the resources to conduct elaborate statistical studies to show the existence of racial profiling. Generally, motions to suppress are handled on relatively short notice and with limited discovery. The resolution of a suppression motion is not usually delayed while data is gathered and statistically analyzed, particularly where the defendant is in jail pending trial. Indigent defendants will not be able to afford an expert, and district courts may bray when faced with a costly application for approval of an expert in support of a motion to suppress. Further, some courts considering equal protection challenges to traffic stops have required statistical evidence of the specific locality where the stop occurred. See, e.g. , Chavez v. Ill. State Police ,
While an equal protection claim in a motion to suppress could be based on direct evidence of racial discrimination, such an approach will rarely occur because few police officers will overtly confess to racial bias. As noted by commentators, Bull Conner is gone. See Frank R. Baumgartner et al., Suspect Citizens: What 20 Million Traffic Stops Tell Us About Policing and Race 20 (2018). In short, an equal protection claim based upon a pretextual investigatory stop is not a very good candidate for resolution in the context of a motion to suppress.
In any event, the real problem may not only be a few bad apples in law enforcement or a pattern of intentional misconduct.
*920As noted by a recent Kansas study, the problem of disproportionality in traffic stops is not caused by individual decisions in isolation but is, instead, a result of institutional practice of pretextual investigatory stops, "a deliberate, specific invention that directly contributed to the explosion in arrests and imprisonment of racial minorities." Epp et al. at 10. The authors note that "a large body of research demonstrates that most people in the contemporary United States"-including police officers, lawyers, and, yes, judges too-"cannot help but assume that racial minorities are more likely to be dangerous or engaged in criminality." Id. at 40. "Policies favoring proactive [pretextual] investigatory stops ... activate departments' and officers' implicit stereotypes of which neighborhoods and which individuals are suspicious." Id. at 50.
Finally, an equal protection approach may not have the same across-the-board application to all arbitrary pretextual searches. A pretextual search based on racial profiling might be subject to search and seizure attack, but an equally arbitrary pretextual search of a person with curly hair would not. Celebrated criminal justice cases-including those affording counsel to indigents in the Scottsboro case, requiring Miranda warnings to those who might otherwise face the third degree, and extending Fourth Amendment protections to the states to avoid the outrageous treatment of Dollree Mapp-were motivated, at least in part, to protect African-Americans from unfair overreach by law enforcement. Yet the principles announced in these cases apply to all and not just to some.
The view in Whren that the Fourth Amendment and the Equal Protection Clause are hermetically sealed off from one another is theoretically unsound. A wide range of modern scholars, including Charles Black, John Hart Ely, Laurence Tribe, Akhil Reed Amar, and Vicki Jackson, "have argued against constitutional interpretation that treats clauses of the document in isolation." Paul M. Schwartz & William Michael Treanor, Eldred and Lochner: Copyright Term Extension and Intellectual Property as Constitutional Property ,
It is also a historically inaccurate characterization of the Court's cases. Criminal procedure rulings under other constitutional provisions, including the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Amendments, have been very much informed by the notion of equal citizenship for minorities. See, e.g. , Michael J. Klarman, The Racial Origins of Modern Criminal Procedure ,
Certainly, the theoretical availability of an equal protection claim should not preempt the possibility of a claim under search and seizure principles. There is no constitutional bar to simultaneous violations of multiple constitutional provisions. See, e.g. , Loving v. Virginia ,
*921The interplay between antidiscrimination principles and constitutional concepts of search and seizure were illustrated very early in Iowa's history. In 1863, Archie P. Webb, an African-American, was employed as a laborer in Polk County. Coffin at 201. The sheriff arrested him for violating an 1851 statute that provided, among other things, that free blacks would be required to leave the state on three days' notice.
6. Role of implicit bias. The Whren Court did not consider that disproportionate traffic stops may arise not simply from overt bias but also from unconscious bias or stereotypes. The notion of implicit bias is not very new. Nearly a decade before Whren , Professor Charles Lawrence wrote a seminal law review article on the role of implicit bias in law enforcement and other settings. Charles R. Lawrence III, The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism ,
There can be no doubt that the Supreme Court was generally aware of the problem of implicit bias when it decided Whren . In Batson v. Kentucky , Justice Marshall recognized the potential role of unconscious racism in jury selection.
7. Role of government as teacher. In Olmstead v. United States , Justice Brandeis famously wrote about the role of government as teacher.
The use of pretextual investigative stops to avoid historic constitutional restraints is hardly the kind of lesson to be taught to those who interface with the criminal justice system. A defendant who engaged in pretextual reasoning would not win plaudits from a probation or parole officer, a *922prison official, or a sentencing judge. Condoning pretextual seizures by law enforcement sends a clear message: The law's restrictions apply to me but not to thee. See Jonathan Blanks, Thin Blue Lies: How Pretextual Stops Undermine Police Legitimacy ,
8. Harms caused by arbitrary seizures. The Whren Court did not consider the harms that arise from arbitrary seizures of citizens on the open road. See 517 U.S. at 818-19, 116 S. Ct. at 1777. In considering harms, the focus is not on benefiting the particular defendant who seeks to suppress evidence but is instead on the need to protect innocent citizens generally from pretextual investigative stops. Brinegar , 338 U.S. at 180-82, 69 S. Ct. at 1313-14. As noted by Professor David Harris, costs of pretextual investigative stops include "the impact on all the people innocent of any wrongdoing who are stopped, questioned and perhaps searched, and treated in many ways like suspected criminals in the effort to arrest the guilty. " David A. Harris, Essay, Car Wars: The Fourth Amendment's Death on the Highway ,
Pretextual investigative stops of automobiles are not harmless to innocent citizens. Search and seizure law protects not only privacy of information but includes the right to be secure in one's person, papers, and effects. A person's interest in security is obviously impacted by a stop by police on the open road. Such stops are not simply minor inconveniences. They may engender "fear and surprise," Sitz ,
When pretextual investigative stops are made on racial minorities, the message is sent that those who are not white are second-class citizens. In the "stop and frisk" case of Floyd v. City of New York ,
Pretextual investigative stops also make people less likely to trust police. Social psychology suggests that where people believe the system is discriminatory or unfair, they support it less and view it as less legitimate. See Tyler & Wakslak, 42 Criminology at 273-74, 276.
There is a suggestion in another opinion in this case of a long line of policy horribles if we were to decline to permit pretextual stops. One of the asserted problems with eliminating pretextual stops is that it would undermine public confidence in our legal system. But do pretextual stops promote public confidence in our legal system? Really? Do pretextual stops promote the perception that law enforcement offers act with integrity? Who thinks that? Do pretextual stops promote public confidence among those persons who bear the brunt *923of many of them, namely, African-Americans? When an African-American parent gives his or her teenage child "the talk" about driving in Iowa, does anyone think that parent could credibly explain that the general authority of police to stop based on implicit bias is part of the need for "public confidence" in law enforcement? Pretextual stops arising from racial profiling permitted by Whren "damage[ ] law enforcement and the criminal justice system as a whole by undermining public confidence and trust in the police, the courts, and criminal law, and thereby undermining law enforcement efforts and ability to solve and reduce crime." See
9. Summary. According to Professor LaFave, "The totality of the Court's analysis in Whren is, to put it mildly, quite disappointing."
B. Post-Whren Developments.
1. Implicit bias. Since Whren was decided, there has been an explosion of scholarly activity focusing on the question of implicit bias. A robust scholarly literature has emerged demonstrating that in addition to intentional acts of discrimination, many acts of discrimination may be unconscious. E.g. , L. Song Richardson, Police Efficiency and the Fourth Amendment ,
We discussed the problem of implicit bias in Pippen v. State ,
Recent implicit bias studies suggest that racial disproportionality in pretextual investigatory stops may be due to an institutional mindset that allows for unregulated selection of investigative stop targets based upon split-second decisions where implicit bias is likely to flourish. See, e.g. , Epp et al. at 9-14; see also Batson ,
2. Recognition of the problem of pretextual stops. A second feature of the landscape that has changed since Whren is the recognition of the pervasiveness of racial profiling. There are some decades-old empirical studies that are not encouraging. For instance, in Colorado, a study showed that even though over 400 persons were stopped on the interstate for traffic violations, not a single traffic ticket was issued. David A. Harris, Essay, "Driving While Black" and All Other Traffic Offenses: The Supreme Court and Pretextual Traffic Stops ,
*925More recently, a study in a Cleveland neighborhood showed that 83% of all citations for seat belt violations were issued to African-Americans and 88% of all the driver's license offenses involved African-Americans. Dunn, 66 Case W. Res. L. Rev. at 982. Further study of Ohio cities has found a persistent pattern of racial profiling in traffic enforcement. See id. at 973-86. A federal court found the stop and frisk policy in New York City was racially discriminatory. Floyd ,
By way of summary, scholars have cited testimonial accounts of victims, statistical evidence, laws and consent decrees, political speeches, and policy-maker decisions to show the persistent pattern of racial profiling in law enforcement. E.g. , Padula, 120 W. Va. L. Rev. at 474 & nn.39-43.
C. Discussion of Choices Under Article I, Section 8 of the Iowa Constitution. There is an array of choices under the Iowa Constitution. First, we could, of course, follow the analysis in Whren and adopt what is known as the "could have" test. Under the "could have" test, pretextual traffic stops where the officers have reasonable suspicion or probable cause of a traffic infraction are not subject to challenge under article I, section 8 regardless of the nature and power of the motive for the search. A defendant would have to look elsewhere-perhaps to concepts of equal protection-for constitutional protection, if any, from arbitrary search and seizure.
A second option is to simply embrace a subjective test for pretext and determine what the officer's purpose was for engaging in the stop. This is the test we applied in Cooley ,
A third option is some form of the "would have" test. The notion here would be that evidence obtained as a result of a pretextual traffic stop is subject to exclusion as unlawfully obtained under article I, section 8 unless the State can show that the stop would have occurred even without pretextual motivation.
There is, perhaps, a final twist. This court could adopt an approach that limits search and seizure review of pretextual stops to certain subject matter. For instance, one scholar has suggested that judicial search and seizure oversight of pretextual traffic stops might be limited to situations involving "authoritarian pretext." Cynthia Barmore, Authoritarian Pretext and the Fourth Amendment ,
I begin by rejecting the "could have" approach of Whren , 517 U.S. at 811-16,
Further, our increased knowledge of implicit bias and the accumulating evidence of the reality of racial profiling reinforces my determination to address the issue. See Batson ,
I also decline to rely on the back-up plan of equal protection. Bringing an equal protection claim under federal law would be difficult, if not impossible, in the context of pretextual traffic stops. See McCleskey ,
The rights-denying "could have" approach is no doubt more efficient. It would be more efficient, of course, to hold all Fourth Amendment rights, or all constitutional rights generally, unenforceable. But "[c]onvenience and efficiency are not the primary objectives-or the hallmarks-of *927democratic government." Immigration & Naturalization Serv. v. Chadha ,
I think, however, simply returning to the test in Cooley ,
The best approach under article I, section 8 to pretextual traffic stops is to adopt a version of the "would have" test. I would do so today. I would also adopt a burden-shifting approach as the best way to handle the problem of pretext in our district courts.
Under the "would have" approach, once the State establishes it had probable cause to engage in a stop, the burden shifts to the defendant to produce evidence that the stop was pretextual. Objective and subjective evidence would be admissible.
The test I would adopt is somewhat similar to that embraced in Mt. Healthy City School District Board of Education v. Doyle ,
Finally, I turn to the suggestion that our review of search and seizure pretexts should be limited by the nature of the *928pretext. It would, perhaps, be possible to limit search and seizure pretext review to cases involving fundamental rights such as race, religion, or free speech. But I find such an approach inadequate. It gives only partial life to the constitutional principle that the power to search and seize should not be exercised in an arbitrary manner. Pretextual investigative searches may be based not only on race but upon "appearances that some police officers do not like, such as young men with long hair, heavy jewelry, and flashy clothing." Scopo ,
D. Application of the "Would Have" Test in This Case. Applying these principles to the facts of this case, I have little trouble concluding that the stop was pretextual. The officer involved virtually said as much. According to Officer Brandt, he "wasn't even going to stop" the car for the traffic violations until he ran the plate and learned of the owner's gang affiliation. After he learned of the gang affiliation, he then wanted to "poke around and see what's up." He had a hunch based on the owner's gang affiliation, but that would not be a constitutionally sufficient basis for a traffic stop. As a result, the evidence obtained as a result of the illegal stop, namely, evidence of Brown's intoxication, should have been suppressed. Therefore, Brown's conviction should be reversed and the case remanded to the district court.
VII. Conclusion.
For the above reasons, the district court should have granted the motion to suppress in this case. I regret that this view does not command the support of the current majority of this court. Accordingly, I respectfully dissent.
Wiggins, J., joins this dissent.
The district court did not cite either the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution or article I, section 8 of the Iowa Constitution. Under these circumstances, claims under both Constitutions are preserved. See Lamasters v. State ,
State courts have also recognized the fundamental importance of search and seizure law to a democratic society. As the Florida Supreme Court observed,
Roving patrols, random sweeps, and arbitrary searches or seizures would go far to eliminate such crime in this state. Nazi Germany, Soviet Russia, and Communist Cuba have demonstrated all too tellingly the effectiveness of such methods. Yet we are not a state that subscribes to the notion that ends justify means. History demonstrates that the adoption of repressive measures, even to eliminate a clear evil, usually results only in repression more mindless and terrifying than the evil that prompted them.
Bostick v. State ,
Article I, section 7 of the Washington Constitution provides, "No person shall be disturbed in his private affairs, or his home invaded, without authority of law." Wash. Const. art. I, § 7.
In Turner v. State ,
The discriminatory intent requirement has been subject to criticism. See Theodore Eisenberg & Sheri Lynn Johnson, The Effects of Intent: Do We Know How Legal Standards Work? ,
In addition, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) was ratified by the United States in 1994. See International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, opened for signature Dec. 21, 1965, 660 U.N.T.S. 195 (ratified by U.S. Oct. 21, 1994). The ICERD prohibits discrimination "where there is an unjustifiable disparate impact on a racial or ethnic group, regardless of whether there is any intent to discriminate against that group." Torruella, 20 B.U. Pub. Int. L.J. at 194. "[W]here official policies or practices are racially discriminatory," the state has an affirmative obligation "to prevent or end the situation." Id. The United States joined the ICERD with a declaration stating that the treaty was not self-executing, meaning that the treaty would not afford private causes of action. See Jamie Fellner, Race, Drugs, and Law Enforcement in the United States ,
LaFave is not alone in his criticism of Whren . The scholarly reaction to Whren , on balance, has been quite negative. See, e.g. , Chin & Vernon, 83 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. at 884 ("Whren v. United States is notorious for its effective legitimation of racial profiling in the United States." (Footnote omitted.)); David A. Harris, Essay, "Driving While Black" and All Other Traffic Offenses: The Supreme Court and Pretextual Traffic Stops ,
The American Civil Liberties Union of Iowa, the NAACP, the League of United Latin Americans Citizens of Iowa, and 1000 Kids for Iowa have filed an amicus brief in this case presenting statistical information which they assert demonstrates racial disproportionality in arrests in Iowa. In response, the Iowa County Attorneys Association filed an amicus brief challenging the validity of the statistics. I am grateful for the efforts of amici to assist us in this case. Deciding this case, however, does not require resolving whether, in fact, racial profiling is present in Iowa generally or even in this particular case. Instead, what is important, for purposes of article I, section 8, is that if law enforcement had unlimited discretion to make traffic stops regardless of pretext, our search and seizure law would allow law enforcement to engage in racial profiling.
The line between objective and subjective evidence is not as clear as some have suggested. The showing required to justify Terry -type searches, for instance, is sometimes claimed to be objective, but the "what did you know and when did you know it" questions relevant under Terry obviously have subjective aspects. See Kit Kinports, Criminal Procedure in Perspective ,
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