James Hall . Secretary, State of Alabama
Opinion of the Court
Under Alabama law, independent candidates for political office may obtain ballot access, meaning the right to have their name listed on the election ballot, by filing a petition signed by at least "three percent of the qualified electors who cast ballots for the office of Governor in the last general election for the state, county, district, or other political subdivision in which the candidate seeks to qualify." Ala. Code. § 17-9-3(a)(3). In Swanson v. Worley,
On December 17, 2013, Alabama held a special election to fill a vacancy in its First United States House of Representatives District. Appellee James Hall ran as an independent candidate in that election. Due to Hall's failure to meet the 3% signature requirement, Hall's name did not appear on the special election ballot. Hall sued Appellant, the Alabama Secretary of State, pursuant to
After denying Hall's motion for a preliminary injunction (in large part because Hall had not shown a substantial likelihood of success on the merits and because ballots had already been mailed in accordance with the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act), the district court *1297granted summary judgment in favor of Hall, issuing a declaratory judgment that Alabama's 3% signature requirement for ballot access violates the First and Fourteenth Amendments when enforced during any off-season special election for a U.S. House of Representatives seat in Alabama, for which: "(a) the vacancy is announced less than 124 days prior to the petition deadline and (b) the date of the special election is announced less than 57 days prior to the petition deadline." Appellant, the Secretary, brings this appeal. Appellant argues that: (1) the case is moot; and, alternatively, (2) Alabama's 3% signature requirement is constitutional in the specific circumstances challenged by Hall. As discussed below, we conclude that this case is moot. Thus, we do not address the constitutionality of Alabama's 3% signature requirement as applied during the special election circumstances presented here.
I.
"Mootness is a question of law, which this court reviews de novo." Via Mat Int'l S. Am. Ltd. v. United States,
There is an exception to the mootness doctrine for cases that are "capable of repetition, yet evading review." S. Pac. Terminal Co. v. Interstate Commerce Comm'n,
"The 'capable of repetition, yet evading review' doctrine, in the context of election cases, is appropriate when there are 'as applied' challenges as well as in the more typical case involving only facial attacks." Storer v. Brown,
*1298Rather, it is sufficient that there is a reasonable expectation that "materially similar" circumstances will recur. See
II.
To determine whether this case is capable of repetition, we confine our inquiry to whether there is a reasonable expectation that Hall will be faced with meeting the 3% ballot-access requirement during an Alabama special election for a U.S. House seat. The scope of the relief sought by Hall, and the relief granted by the district court, was thus limited. Moreover, meeting the 3% requirement for an office other than a U.S. House seat could require Hall to collect a materially different number of signatures than the number that he was required to collect in 2013. Thus, a special election for an office other than a U.S. House seat would not subject Hall to the same or a materially similar action to the action that he faced in 2013. We must therefore determine whether there is a reasonable expectation that Hall will have an opportunity during his life to run or vote in a special election for a U.S. House seat in Alabama. We conclude that there is not.
Hall resides in Alabama's First House District and there is no indication that he intends to move. Before 2013, the last special election in Alabama's First House District was in 1935. Although it is possible that there will be an unexpected vacancy in Alabama's First House District during Hall's life, reasonable expectation requires more than a theoretical possibility. Similarly remote is the possibility that Hall will run or vote in a special election for another Alabama House seat. The record indicates that, recently, special elections for any U.S. House seat in Alabama have occurred only about every twenty years.
*1299III.
We recognize that some of the Supreme Court's early election law cases suggest that the same complaining party rule may apply in a rather relaxed manner in the context of election cases. See Storer,
Before reaching the merits of their challenge, the Court found that the case was not moot because "the issues properly presented, and their effects on independent candidacies, will persist as the California statutes are applied in future elections."
The instant case, however, is materially different than Storer. Storer addressed ballot access restrictions during a regular election cycle. Thus, the issue presented in that case would almost certainly repeat every few years, presenting the Storer politicians with repeated opportunities to run. In stark contrast, the issue presented by Hall will not repeat during every election cycle in Alabama. Rather, the record indicates that, with this particular U.S. House seat, the last special election was in 1935, and the record indicates that, recently, a special election for any U.S. House seat in Alabama has occurred only about every twenty years. The issue presented in this case will therefore recur, if at all, with far less frequency than the issue presented in Storer and other cases that involve challenges to election laws as applied during regular election cycles. Given this distinction, the application of the same complaining party rule in ordinary election law cases has limited import here.
IV.
It is true that the language used by Storer -i.e., that the case was not moot because the "effects [of the challenged burdens] on independent candidacies ... will persist as the California statutes are applied in future elections,"
First, Storer is consistent with a relaxed application of the same complaining party rule. The Court did not explicitly address whether the four challengers would again seek to run as independent candidates and run afoul of the restriction that kept them off of the ballot, but it is not unreasonable to expect that politically active persons, like the challengers, would do so in another general election. As indicated below, cases construing the boundaries of the relaxation of the same complaining party rule in election cases do not always require affirmative proof that the same complaining party intends to continue similar participation in political activities and challenge again the restriction at issue; rather, the cases require only that there be a reasonable expectation under all the circumstances that the same complaining party will continue such activities and again be subject to the challenged restriction.
A second reason that we do not believe that Storer dispensed with the same complaining party rule is as follows. Supreme Court cases after Storer have consistently applied the same complaining party rule in evaluating whether a case falls within the capable-of-repetition-yet-evading-review exception to mootness. DeFunis v. Odegaard,
As the foregoing cases demonstrate, the Supreme Court has indicated repeatedly that the capable-of-repetition-yet-evading-review exception to mootness should be tested by the Weinstein two-pronged test (including the same complaining party rule) in cases generally. And, particularly relevant for the instant case, several Supreme Court cases have applied the same complaining party rule in the election law context, as indicated in the parenthetical notations above. For example, the Court in Meyer v. Grant sets out the two-pronged Weinstein test, holds that both prongs are satisfied, and explains that the plaintiffs (who challenged state law restrictions to ballot access) continued to advocate for the adoption of the state constitutional amendment at issue and thus it was "reasonable *1302to expect that the same controversy will recur between these two parties, yet evade meaningful judicial review."
Finally, the Supreme Court's other early election cases are consistent with our interpretation of Storer. For example, in Moore v. Ogilvie,
*1303V.
Although it is clear that the Supreme Court has not dispensed with the same complaining party rule, several cases, multiple treatises, and several scholars have suggested that the rule is applied in a rather relaxed manner. See 13C Charles A. Wright, Arthur R. Miller, Edward H. Cooper, Federal Practice & Procedure § 3533.9 (3d ed. 2008) ("Wright & Miller") ("Although it has not been abandoned, the requirement that the individual plaintiff is likely to be affected by a future recurrence of a mooted dispute has been diluted in some cases."); 15 Moore's Federal Practice § 101.99 (2018) ("[T]he [capable-of-repetition] exception generally applies only if the claim of the very same litigant will evade review. ... However, this standard has been relaxed in some cases ...."); Evan Tsen Lee, Deconstitutionalizing Justiciability: The Example of Mootness,
One treatise states, "The requirement that the plaintiff show a prospect of personal future involvement with challenged practices may be relaxed substantially with respect to matters of apparent public interest." Wright & Miller, supra at § 3533.8.3. Another opines that the rule is relaxed in cases "involving elections or ongoing government policies." Moore's Federal Practice, supra at § 101.99. Particularly regarding election cases, "[c]andidates have often been allowed to challenge restrictions on candidacy after completion of the election immediately involved and without any showing of plans to become involved in any future election." Wright & Miller, supra at § 3533.9. Our discussion above of Storer seems to confirm some relaxation. See also Moore,
The Sixth Circuit case Lawrence v. Blackwell,
Although Lawrence has not specifically stated that he plans to run in a future election, he is certainly capable of doing so, and under the circumstances it is reasonable to expect that he will do so. Neither is an explicit statement from Shilo necessary in order to reasonably expect that in a future election she will wish to vote for an independent candidate who did not decide to run until after the early filing deadline passed. The law at issue is still valid and applicable to both Lawrence and any independent candidate Shilo might wish to vote for in future election years. Therefore, the controversy is capable of repetition.
*1304
Other courts have interpreted the same complaining party rule in a similarly relaxed manner. See Merle v. United States,
*1305We need not definitively decide in this case the outer boundaries of the relaxation with respect to the application of the same complaining party rule. We are confident that the instant case does not satisfy the same complaining party rule, however relaxed the rule may be. In light of the history of the infrequent occurrences of special elections in Alabama for U.S. House seats, we conclude that it is highly unlikely that Hall will have an opportunity during his life to seek to run or vote in a special election for a U.S. House seat in Alabama.
*1306We recognize that this case presents a conflict between strong and legitimate concerns. On the one hand, the district court's opinion seems to us to be a resolution of only the rights of future independent candidates seeking ballot access in future special elections. We can perceive of no real interest on the part of Hall because there is no remedy available to him other than the satisfaction of having this Court tell him that he should have been allowed access to the ballot. See Flanigan's Enters., Inc. of Ga. v. City of Sandy Springs,
On the other hand, courts are understandably loathe to permit a situation in which a governmental restriction is effectively immune from judicial review and correction, because the duration of the restriction is too short to be fully litigated before it expires. Fortunately, the instant case does not present a situation in which a challenge to the Alabama restriction will always evade review. Although "the 'mere presence of ... allegations' that might ... benefit other similarly situated individuals cannot 'save [a litigant's] suit from mootness once [his] individual claims' have dissipated," Sanchez-Gomez,
For the foregoing reasons, we conclude that this case is MOOT. Accordingly, we vacate the judgment of the district court and remand with instructions to dismiss the case as MOOT.
VACATED and REMANDED with instructions.
Plaintiff-below N.C. "Clint" Moser, Jr. also brought First and Fourteenth Amendment claims in the district court. The district court dismissed Moser's claims as moot, and Moser did not appeal. Plaintiffs also initially brought Equal Protection Clause and Fifteenth Amendment claims. The district court granted summary judgment in favor of the Secretary on Plaintiffs' Equal Protection Clause claims and found that Plaintiffs waived their Fifteenth Amendment claims. Neither Hall nor Moser appealed those decisions.
For the reasons discussed below, we reject Hall's argument that the Supreme Court has dispensed with the requirement that the same complaining party will be subject to the same action again.
Alabama has held special elections for U.S. House seats in 1941, 1944, 1947, 1972, 1989, and 2013. Based on the fact that Alabama has held six special elections for U.S. House seats since 1941, the dissent suggests that special elections for U.S. House seats in Alabama have historically occurred approximately every twelve years. Since 1947, however, special elections for U.S. House seats in Alabama have occurred with intervals over twenty years. In any event, the frequency of special elections in Alabama House seats is such that it will likely be a long time before the next one.
The final two pre-Storer election law cases on which Hall relies also fail to support his argument that the Supreme Court has dispensed with the same complaining party rule in the election context. These cases, Dunn v. Blumstein,
The Sixth Circuit in Lawrence, either in dicta or an alternative holding, also seemed to dispense with the requirement of a reasonable expectation that the same complaining party be subjected to the same restriction again. Id. at 372. To the extent that the Sixth Circuit so held, we respectfully disagree for the reasons set forth in this opinion. In any event, the Sixth Circuit case is distinguishable from the instant case because it involved a regular election cycle, which would recur frequently.
To the extent that the Fifth Circuit in Kucinich, the Ninth Circuit in Schaefer, or the Eighth Circuit in McLain suggests that the same complaining party rule does not apply at all, we respectfully disagree, as discussed above. Cf. Kucinich,
By focusing so intensely on Hall's asserted intent to run in future special elections for U.S. House seats in Alabama, the dissent ignores a critical issue in this case-i.e., whether Hall will have an opportunity to run in such an election. Regardless of Hall's intent, if Hall is not likely to have the opportunity to run in a future special election for a U.S. House seat in Alabama, there can be no reasonable expectation that he will do so.
We recognize that courts "do not always require affirmative proof that the same complaining party intends to continue similar participation in political activities" in order to find that the same complaining party rule is satisfied. See supra Part IV. However, the law is well established that courts do require that there be "a reasonable expectation that the same complaining party would be subjected to the same action again." Weinstein,
The dissent's focus on our carpetbagger comment is misplaced. The fact that Hall would be unlikely to prevail if running in a foreign House district is just one more factor indicating that there is no reasonable likelihood of such a race.
The dissent mistakenly suggests that we make a factual finding that Hall does not really intend to run in future special elections for U.S. House seats in Alabama. To the contrary, we hold only, as established law provides, that there must be a "reasonable expectation" that he will run again and be subjected to the same or similar restrictions. Under the circumstances presented here, we cannot conclude that Hall's intent is reasonable. Running in a special election for a U.S. House seat outside of Hall's district would require Hall to either abruptly move or regularly travel to another part of Alabama to campaign. Such practical difficulties along with the fact that such an election may not occur for twenty years make the prospect of Hall running in such an election remote regardless of Hall's present intent.
In the dissent's view, the constitutional issue of mootness depends entirely on a plaintiff's mere assertion of intent to run regardless of how unreasonable that may be. In our judgment, the constitutional authority of a court to decide a case could not depend on so slender a read, one so readily subject to manipulation.
To the extent that the dissent suggests that a plaintiff's past candidacy alone is sufficient - i.e., sufficient to satisfy the requirement that there be a reasonable expectation that the plaintiff will run again and be subjected to the same or similar restrictions - even if it is extremely unlikely that the plaintiff will have the opportunity to run and be subjected to the same or similar restrictions, the dissent is in effect dispensing with any requirement that the same complaining party will be subject to the same action again. In Part IV of our opinion, we consider and reject this proposition. We believe that our position-rather than the dissent's position-is more in harmony with the cases in the Supreme Court and the other circuits.
The dissent expresses concern that a class action challenging Alabama's ballot access restrictions during a special election would also be moot and not capable of repetition with regards to any member of the class once the election at issue had passed. We disagree. Such a class action could likely include independent candidates and voters in all U.S. House districts in Alabama. There is a greater likelihood of a future special election when all U.S. House seats are in play; thus, the class would have a much stronger argument than Hall that the issue was capable of repetition with regards to at least some members of the class.
Dissenting Opinion
In 2013, Congressman Jo Bonner, who represented Alabama's First Congressional District, announced that he would be retiring, and a special election was called to elect the district's next representative. James Hall, a 39-year-old United States Marine Corps veteran, sought to run as an independent candidate in the special election.
To be listed on the ballot, candidates had to obtain signatures from 5,938 registered voters in the district-a number equivalent to 3% of the votes cast in the district in the last gubernatorial election. See
In this appeal, Hall challenges the State of Alabama's application of its ballot access requirement to the 2013 special election. We previously held that Alabama's ballot access requirement was constitutional when applied to a regularly scheduled election, Swanson v. Worley ,
The Constitution limits our jurisdiction to actual cases or controversies. See U.S. Const. art. III, § 2, cl. 1. We lack jurisdiction to hear a moot case-one that "no longer presents a live controversy with respect to which the court can give meaningful relief." Al Najjar v. Ashcroft ,
The majority holds that the second prong of the test, the "same complaining party rule," is not satisfied here. Maj. Op. at 1304. The majority concedes that in the context of election challenges the same complaining party rule applies in a "relaxed" manner.
I disagree with the majority's application of the same complaining party rule in this case. Looking to Supreme Court precedent, I would conclude that in the unique context of an election-related challenge, we can infer from Hall's past candidacy alone that there is a reasonable expectation he will run as an independent candidate in a future special election and be subject to the same ballot access requirement. But even assuming that to satisfy the same complaining party rule a candidate is required to submit some additional evidence of his intent to run again, I believe Hall satisfied this burden with his testimony that he intends to run as an independent candidate in future elections, which would include special elections. I would hold that the case is not moot, address the merits, and affirm based on the district court's well-reasoned opinion. I respectfully dissent.
I. In Election Challenges, Courts Can Infer That Candidates Will Run in Future Special Elections from the Fact That They Ran in a Previous Special Election.
To satisfy the same complaining party rule, a plaintiff must show that "there is a reasonable expectation" that she "will be subject to the same action again." Kingdomware Techs. ,
The Supreme Court implicitly drew such an inference in Storer . There, several candidates challenged a California law that barred an individual who had recently been affiliated with a political party from being listed as an independent candidate on an election ballot.
The Court held that the case was not moot without conducting any inquiry into any candidate's intent to run in a future election or the likelihood that the candidate would be subject to the disaffiliation requirement in a future election. See
Subsequent Supreme Court cases confirm that in the specific context of a challenge to a ballot access requirement, courts can infer from the fact that a party previously ran as a candidate a reasonable expectation that he will run in a future election and again be subject to the challenged requirement. In Norman v. Reed , a group of voters who were organizing a new political party challenged an Illinois law requiring them to collect a certain number of signatures for the party to be listed on the election ballot.
I acknowledge that in other election-related cases the Supreme Court has held that the same complaining party rule was satisfied where the plaintiffs presented evidence that they would engage in conduct that would make them subject to the challenged restriction in a future election. See Davis v. FEC ,
*1310FEC v. Wis. Right to Life, Inc. ,
The majority contends that the Supreme Court's decision in Brockington v. Rhodes ,
The majority also relies on the Supreme Court's decision in Illinois State Board of Elections v. Socialist Workers Party ,
The Supreme Court affirmed the district court's injunction, holding that the ballot *1311access requirement was unconstitutional.
By requiring evidence of intent to run in a future election from a plaintiff in Hall's position, the majority creates a circuit split. Seven other circuits-like the Supreme Court in Storer -have found candidate challenges not moot, despite the election at issue having taken place, without requiring any evidence about the candidate's intent to run in future elections. See Kucinich v. Tex. Democratic Party ,
The majority tries to distinguish Storer and the decisions from every other circuit on the ground that these cases involved challenges to election laws or regulations in the context of regularly scheduled elections, but this case involves a challenge to a special election. The majority argues that because special elections occur less frequently, we cannot look to cases applying the same complaining party rule to regularly scheduled elections, which will reoccur with predictable regularity. But the majority cites no authority to support its position. In the absence of any indication from the Supreme Court or even persuasive authority from another circuit to support it, I would not create a different standard for special elections. I would instead *1312follow the Supreme Court's analysis and the similar path taken by every other circuit. I would conclude that the same complaining party rule is satisfied in this case because there is a reasonable expectation that Hall will be subject to Alabama's ballot access requirement in a future special election based on the fact that he ran as an independent candidate in a previous special election.
II. Even if Candidates Must Prove Their Intent to Run in a Future Election to Satisfy the Same Complaining Party Rule, Hall Has Carried This Burden.
Even assuming the majority is correct-that to satisfy the same complaining party rule in the context of a special election candidates must submit some evidence of their intent to run for office, which will subject them to the challenged requirement in the future-Hall has met this burden. The majority concludes there is only a "theoretical possibility" that Hall would be subject to the ballot access requirement in a future special election. Maj. Op. at 1304. I disagree.
The majority so concludes because special elections for U.S. House of Representatives seats historically have occurred too infrequently in Hall's home district to say that there is a reasonable expectation that one will occur again during his lifetime. But even granting the majority that there is no reasonable expectation that a special election will occur in Hall's own district during his lifetime, we must consider whether a reasonable expectation exists that he will run in a future special election for a House seat anywhere in Alabama. As a resident of Alabama, Hall is eligible to represent any district in the State; there is no legal bar to his running for a House seat in a district other than his home district. See U.S. Const. art. I, § 2, cl. 2. Hall's evidence is sufficient to establish a reasonable expectation that he will run for a House seat in a future Alabama special election (whether it is held in his home district or another district) and thus be subject to the same ballot access requirement.
There is no dispute that we can reasonably expect Alabama to hold a special election for an open seat in the U.S. House of Representatives in the future. There will be special elections when members of the House resign for various reasons: to accept other appointments or positions (like Alabama Congressman Jo Bonner or Georgia Congressman Tom Price), due to the fallout from public scandal (like Michigan Congressman John Conyers or Texas Congressman Blake Farenthold), or for personal reasons (like Pennsylvania Congressman Charlie Dent). Seats unfortunately will become vacant when representatives die while in office (like Mississippi Congressman Alan Nunnelee). Although we do not know when the next such special election will occur in Alabama, we know that another vacancy will occur and need to be filled through a special election.
*1313See Maj. Op. at 1298 (looking to historical evidence about the frequency in Alabama of special elections for the House of Representatives to assess whether there is a reasonable expectation of a future special election occurring in Hall's lifetime).
The next question is whether, for purposes of applying the same complaining party rule, it is reasonably likely that Hall will run as an independent candidate in such an election. Despite the fact that the Constitution permits Hall to represent any House district in Alabama, see U.S. Const. art. I, § 2, cl. 2, the majority concludes that Hall would not run for a seat outside his home district because he would be viewed as a "carpetbagger" and thus would be unlikely to win. Maj. Op. at 1305. But the majority offers no authority supporting its assumption that a candidate who lives outside a district cannot win an election there. I cannot agree with the majority's unsupported speculation.
But the probability of a candidate winning an election for a seat outside her home district is really beside the point. As the majority acknowledges, Hall testified that he "wants to run in any special election for a U.S. House seat in Alabama regardless of his residence" in another district. Id. at 1298. It is not our place to reject this direct evidence, essentially making a finding of fact that he would not do so. See Pullman-Standard v. Swint ,
Furthermore, the majority simply assumes that a candidate will run in an election only if she can win. The majority's supposition ignores that independent and third party candidates may choose to run in elections even though they have no realistic chance of winning. As the Supreme Court has explained, these candidates may run not because they believe that they can win the election, but rather to use the "election campaign [as] a means of disseminating ideas" outside those presented by the two dominant political parties. Ill. State Bd. of Elections ,
By requiring Hall to show that he has a chance not only to run in a future election, but also to win it, the majority adds an element to the same complaining party inquiry that no other court has adopted. In every election-related Supreme Court case discussing the evidence that did or did not satisfy the same complaining party rule, the Court has held that the plaintiffs satisfied the rule when they introduced a statement of intent to participate in a future election. See Davis ,
I am concerned that by imposing more stringent requirements on candidates seeking to challenge ballot access laws, the majority's decision will effectively close the courthouse doors to future independent and third party candidates and voters. As an example, when the next special election for a House seat in Alabama is held, to gain access to the ballot independent and third party candidates again will have to satisfy an onerous signature requirement in a significantly compressed time frame. If Hall-or any other candidate or voter in that future special election-brings a lawsuit raising a constitutional challenge to the signature requirement, due to the nature of such vacancies there will be very little time to litigate the challenge before the election passes and the case becomes moot. The plaintiff will be unable to rely on the capable-of-repetition-yet-evading-review exception because, using the majority's logic, there will never be a reasonable expectation of the candidate running in another special election in his home district (because such an election is unlikely to occur again during the plaintiff's lifetime) or in a special election in another district (because the plaintiff will be unlikely to win).
The majority acknowledges that "courts are understandably loathe to permit a situation in which a governmental restriction is effectively immune from judicial review and correction, because the duration of the restriction is too short to be fully litigated before it expires." Maj. Op. at 1306. I agree. The majority suggests, in dicta , that its reasoning will not create such a situation because in a future special election a candidate or voter may challenge Alabama's ballot access requirements in a class action. Id. at 1306. I am far less comfortable that a class action would provide a viable option. Under the majority's logic, a future class action challenging the ballot access restriction brought during the next special election would, like Hall's *1315action here, become moot after the special election occurs. The majority's reasons for concluding there is no reasonable expectation that a special election would occur again in Hall's district during his lifetime likewise would indicate that there is no reasonable expectation that a special election would occur again in any class member's district during her lifetime. The majority suggests that the class could consist of independent voters and candidates in all districts in Alabama, but it fails to explain how the claims of class members in other districts where no special election was pending would be justiciable.
By making Alabama's ballot access requirements, as applied in the context of special elections, effectively immune from judicial review and correction, the majority's decision closes the courthouse doors to independent and third party candidates and voters. These citizens are left with no meaningful recourse in the courts to challenge these restrictions, even when the restrictions impose substantial burdens on First Amendment and Fourteenth Amendment rights to vote and to associate for political purposes. I cannot agree with the majority that we should depart from Supreme Court precedent and the decisions of all the other circuits to address this issue by holding that ballot access restrictions curtailing these rights-which "rank among our most precious freedoms"-are effectively unreviewable. Williams v. Rhodes ,
* * *
I would hold that the case is not moot under the capable-of-repetition-yet-evading-review exception. There is a reasonable expectation that Hall will be subject to Alabama's ballot access signature requirement in a future special election. I would draw this conclusion based solely on the fact that Hall ran as an independent in the special election at issue here. Alternatively, even if I were to accept the majority's position that Hall was required to produce some evidence showing his intention to run in a future election, I would conclude that he met his burden given his testimony that he plans to run in future elections for any open House seat in the State of Alabama.
Because I would hold that the case is not moot, I would address on the merits Hall's claim that Alabama's ballot access requirement is unconstitutional as applied to the special election here. States certainly have "important and compelling interests in regulating the election process and in having ballot access requirements." Swanson ,
Respectfully, I dissent.
I note that even in cases outside the election context, the Supreme Court has recognized that to satisfy the same complaining party rule a plaintiff is not required to "establish[ ] with mathematical precision the likelihood" that he will be subject to the same challenged government action. Honig v. Doe ,
Indeed, an internet search for members of Congress who live outside the districts they represent calls into question the majority's assumption that candidates for House seats outside the district where they reside cannot win elections. The results of such a search include reports showing that in June 2017 at least 20 members of Congress were registered to vote (meaning their official residences were located) outside the districts they were elected to represent. I acknowledge the possibility that some of these representatives moved outside their districts after being elected. But even accepting this possibility, the fact that representatives are willing to live outside the districts they were elected to represent suggests that there no significant stigma attached to it.
It seems to me that a candidate who was unable to gather the number of signatures required to appear on the ballot would never be able to show that he was likely to win a future election. The effect of the majority's decision, then, is to insulate ballot access laws from judicial review.
By pointing to a class action as a suitable alternative, the majority implicitly concedes that a special election can reasonably be expected to occur in at least one House district in Alabama during some class member's lifetime. This argument seems to me to be contrary to the majority's contention that it is "extremely unlikely" that Hall would have the opportunity to run in another special election for a House seat in the same district during his lifetime. Maj. Op. at 1306 n.10.
Reference
- Full Case Name
- James HALL, Plaintiff-Appellee, v. SECRETARY, State of ALABAMA, Defendant-Appellant.
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- 23 cases
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- Published