United States v. James Hill, III
Opinion of the Court
In this appeal, we confront the issue of whether the federal Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2009 ("Hate Crimes Act"),
Defendant James Hill, III ("Defendant") boastfully admitted to physically and violently assaulting a coworker preparing packages for interstate sale and shipment because of the coworker's sexual orientation. But after a jury convicted Defendant for violating the Hate Crimes Act, the district court granted Defendant's motion for judgment of acquittal on grounds that the Hate Crimes Act, as applied to Defendant's conduct, exceeded Congress's authority under the Commerce Clause. Because we conclude that as applied to Defendant's conduct, the Hate Crimes Act easily falls under Congress's broad authority to regulate interstate commerce, we reverse and remand to the district court to reinstate the jury's guilty verdict.
I.
At the time of the assault, Defendant and Curtis Tibbs ("Tibbs")
Video shows that shortly after the beginning of Tibbs's shift on May 22, 2015, as Tibbs carried items to load into a box, Defendant approached Tibbs from behind and-without provocation or warning-repeatedly punched him in the face. As a result of the assault and battery, Tibbs suffered significant bruising, cuts to his face, and a bloody nose. After the incident, Tibbs went to Amazon's in-house medical clinic and then to the nearest hospital for treatment. Tibbs did not return to work on the production line for the remaining several hours of his ten-hour shift. Amazon shut down the area of the incident for approximately 30-45 minutes to clean blood off the floor, but Amazon did not miss any "critical pull times," or packaging deadlines, as a result of the incident because other areas of the facility absorbed the work. J.A. 24. An expert witness testified that, notwithstanding Tibbs' absence and the temporary closure of his workspace, the performance of the fulfillment center as a whole during the shift in which the incident occurred was in-line with its performance during other shifts.
Defendant told an Amazon investigator and a local police officer that he assaulted Tibbs solely because Tibbs was gay. In particular, Defendant stated that "his personal belief is he didn't like [homosexuals]," that Tibbs "disrespected him because he is a homosexual," and that Defendant "does not like homosexuals, so he punched [Tibbs]." J.A. 353, 383. Defendant offered no other explanation for the assault.
The Commonwealth of Virginia initially charged Defendant with misdemeanor assault and battery in state court, but the state prosecutor subsequently requested that the United States "assume prosecution of this case as a hate crime" under the Hate Crimes Act, in part because Virginia's hate crime statute does not cover crimes based on sexual orientation. J.A. 25.
On July 24, 2015, the United States Attorney General certified that Defendant's prosecution under the Hate Crimes Act "is in the public interest and is necessary to secure substantial justice." J.A. 25. Thereafter, the Commonwealth of Virginia dropped the misdemeanor assault charge, and on January 19, 2016, a federal grand jury indicted Defendant under the Hate Crimes Act,
On or about May 22, 2015 ... [Defendant] did willfully cause bodily injury to [Tibbs] by assaulting [Tibbs], including by punching [Tibbs], because of [Tibbs's] actual and perceived sexual orientation, namely that he is gay; and that, in connection with the offense, [Defendant] [1] interfered with commercial and other economic activity in which [Tibbs] was engaged at the time of the conduct, and which offense [2] otherwise affected interstate and foreign commerce.
J.A. 19.
Defendant moved to dismiss the indictment, arguing in relevant part that Section 249(a)(2) of the Hate Crimes Act, on its face and as applied to him, exceeded Congress's power under the Commerce Clause. The district court agreed with Defendant's as-applied challenge and dismissed the indictment.
In an unpublished opinion, a divided panel of this Court reversed and remanded the district court's decision with directions to reinstate the indictment.
United States v. Hill
,
On remand, the Government dropped reliance on the statutory element that the offense "otherwise affect[ed] interstate or foreign commerce."
The district court held a two-day jury trial beginning on January 22, 2018. The district court instructed the jury that the Government must prove beyond a reasonable doubt that (1) Defendant caused bodily injury to Tibbs; (2) Defendant did so willfully; (3) Defendant did so because of Tibbs's actual or perceived sexual orientation; and (4) Defendant's conduct "interfered with the commercial or economic activity in which Tibbs was engaged at the time of the conduct." J.A. 541. The jury found Defendant guilty.
Thereafter, pursuant to Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 29, Defendant moved for judgment of acquittal, arguing that the Hate Crimes Act is unconstitutional as applied to his assault of Tibbs. The district court granted Defendant's motion, concluding that the Hate Crimes Act as applied exceeds Congress's Commerce Clause authority. Specifically, the district court held that the Hate Crimes Act as applied does not regulate activity that substantially affects interstate commerce. The Government timely appealed the district court's judgment of acquittal.
II.
On appeal, the Government argues that the district court erred in granting Defendant's motion for judgment of acquittal on grounds that the Hate Crimes Act, as applied to Defendant's conduct, exceeds Congress's authority under the Commerce Clause. We review de novo a district court's award of judgment of acquittal.
United States v. Singh
,
A.
It "is a well-worn yet ever-vital maxim that the Constitution creates a Federal Government of enumerated powers."
United States v. Bollinger
,
Under the Supreme Court's modern Commerce Clause jurisprudence, "Congress is limited to regulating three broad categories of interstate activity: (1) 'the use of the channels of interstate commerce,' (2) 'the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or things in
interstate commerce,' and (3) 'activities that substantially affect interstate commerce.' "
Bollinger
,
Congress paid close attention to the scope of its authority under the Commerce Clause when it enacted the Hate Crimes Act, which was designed to strengthen federal efforts to combat violent hate crimes-crimes targeting victims based on certain enumerated characteristics. National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2010, Pub. L. 111-84, §§ 4701-13,
Distinguishing hate crimes from other violent crimes-over which, Congress emphasized, States continue to retain exclusive prosecutorial authority-Congress concluded that violent hate crimes "substantially affect[ ] interstate commerce in many ways."
(A) The movement of members of targeted groups is impeded, and members of such groups are forced to move across State lines to escape the incidence or risk of such violence.
(B) Members of targeted groups are prevented from purchasing goods and services, obtaining or sustaining employment, or participating in other commercial activity.
(C) Perpetrators cross State lines to commit such violence.
(D) Channels, facilities, and instrumentalities of interstate commerce are used to facilitate the commission of such violence.
(E) Such violence is committed using articles that have traveled in interstate commerce.
To achieve this state-federal collaboration, the Hate Crimes Act created several federal criminal offenses arising out of violent acts undertaken with animus towards various actual or perceived personal characteristics of the victim. Of particular relevance, the statute provides that any person who, under certain specified circumstances, "willfully causes bodily injury to any person ... because of the actual or perceived religion, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability of any person ... shall be imprisoned not more than 10 years."
In adopting the Hate Crimes Act, Congress sought to "invoke the full scope of [its] Commerce Clause power, and to ensure that hate crimes prosecutions brought under [ § 249(a)(2) would] not be mired in constitutional litigation." H.R. Rep. No. 111-86, at 15 (2009). To ensure
that conduct criminalized under the statute would have "the requisite connection to interstate commerce," Congress adverted to several Supreme Court decisions setting forth the outer limits of Congress's authority under the Commerce Clause-including
United States v. Lopez
, in which the Supreme Court held that a federal statute proscribing possession of guns in school zones violated the Commerce Clause,
Here, the Commonwealth's Attorney in Chesterfield County recognized that Defendant could not be prosecuted for a hate crime in Virginia for his admission of having assaulted Tibbs because he is gay. That is because the Virginia assault statute that includes enhancements for hate crimes does not include increased punishment for crimes involving sexual orientation.
But because Tibbs was assaulted while preparing packages for interstate sale and shipment, the Commonwealth's Attorney's Office in Chesterfield County decided to specifically refer this case to the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Eastern District of Virginia. Following the U.S. Attorney General's certification that prosecuting Defendant at the federal level is in the public interest and is necessary to secure substantial justice, the Government indicted Defendant under the Hate Crimes Act. Defendant's prosecution therefore additionally reflects the considered judgment of both the Attorney General and Commonwealth of Virginia that the statute's scope neither exceeds Congress's Commerce Clause authority nor interferes with the Commonwealth's police power.
B.
Against this legal backdrop, the Government contends that the district court erred in holding that Defendant's assault and battery of Tibbs lacked sufficient connection to interstate commerce to support Defendant's conviction under the Hate Crimes Act. Specifically, the Government emphasizes that the jury found that the assault and battery-which occurred while Tibbs was working as an Amazon employee and preparing packages for interstate sale and shipment-"interfere[d] with commercial or other economic activity in which [Tibbs was] engaged at the time of the [assault]."
Whether the Hate Crimes Act may be constitutionally applied to an unarmed assault of a victim engaged in commercial activity at his place of work appears to be an issue of first impression in this Circuit or any other.
See, e.g.
,
United States v. Miller
,
Despite this lack of precedential guidance, the parties agree that Defendant's conviction is constitutional, if at all, as an effort to regulate "activities that substantially affect interstate commerce."
Bollinger
,
Similar to the Hate Crimes Act, the Hobbs Act includes an interstate commerce element, establishing a federal crime for robbery or extortion that "in any way or degree obstructs, delays, or affects commerce or the movement of any article or commodity in commerce."
Taylor,
the Supreme Court held, was controlled by the Court's decision in
Gonzales v. Raich
,
Taylor
, therefore, establishes that, pursuant to its power under the Commerce Clause, Congress may proscribe violent conduct when such conduct interferes with or otherwise affects commerce over which Congress has jurisdiction.
Like the Hobbs Act and the Hate Crimes Act, the federal arson statute includes an interstate commerce element, establishing a federal crime for burning "any ... property used in interstate or foreign commerce or in any activity affecting interstate or foreign commerce."
In reaching that conclusion in
Russell
, the Court noted that the statute's broad phrasing-covering any property used in an activity affecting interstate commerce-was intended to "protect all business property, as well as some additional property that might not fit that description."
The Supreme Court again addressed the constitutional sweep of the federal arson statute in
Jones v. United States
,
Following
Jones
, this Circuit has affirmed federal arson convictions in cases involving defendants who set fires to a restaurant and a church providing daycare services because those buildings were "actively engaged in commercial activity."
See
United States v. Terry
,
Taken together, the Supreme Court's decisions in
Taylor
,
Russell
,
Jones
, and this Circuit's decisions in
Terry
and
Aman
, establish that when Congress may regulate an economic or commercial activity, it also may regulate violent conduct that interferes with or affects that activity. Hence, if individuals are engaged in ongoing economic or commercial activity subject to congressional regulation-as Tibbs was at the time of the assault-then Congress also may prohibit violent crime that interferes with or affects such individuals' ongoing economic or commercial activity, including the type of bias-motivated assaults proscribed by the Hate Crimes Act.
Defendant does not dispute-apparently for the good reason that it is beyond dispute-that Congress enjoys the authority to regulate the underlying commercial activity Tibbs was engaged in at the time of the assault-the preparation of goods for sale and shipment across state lines.
See
United States v. Darby
,
Here, the evidence introduced at trial provided a more-than-adequate basis for the jury to find that Tibbs' assault "interfered" with or "affected" Defendant's preparation of packages for interstate sale and shipment, and therefore "affect[ed] commerce over which the United States
has jurisdiction."
That Amazon was able to absorb the impact of Tibbs' absence without missing any key shipping deadlines and that the fulfillment center's performance during the shift impacted by Tibbs' assault was in-line with its performance during other shifts does not call into question this determination. On the contrary, the Supreme Court and this Court repeatedly have clarified that Congress may regulate interference with commerce, even if the effect of the interference on interstate commerce in an individual case is "minimal."
See
Taylor
,
Similarly, this Court has held that, in as-applied Commerce Clause challenges, "the relevant question ... is not whether one particular offense has an impact on interstate commerce, but whether the class of acts proscribed has such an impact."
United States v. Gibert
,
In essence, when a defendant interferes with economic or commercial activity-be it by robbing an individual or entity engaged in commercial activity, burning down a building used in commerce, battering an employee engaged in commercial activity, or some other manner-whether the defendant's conduct substantially affects interstate commerce is not measured against the scope of the commercial enterprise subject to interference. That is because Congress has no less authority to criminalize interference with economic or commercial activity at large enterprises like Amazon-which are more easily able to absorb productivity losses-than it does at sole proprietorships or "mom and pop" establishments with only a handful of employees-for which a 45-minute halt in activity could constitute a substantial loss. Indeed,
Taylor
establishes that Congress has the power to proscribe violent conduct even "when any actual or threatened effect on commerce in a particular case is minimal,"
Accordingly, that Defendant's assault of Tibbs may have "minimal[ly]" impacted Amazon's business-and interstate commerce generally-does not render Defendant's prosecution unconstitutional.
C.
Nevertheless, Defendant argues that his prosecution violates the Commerce Clause for four reasons: (1) his conduct did not "substantially affect" interstate commerce, as the Supreme Court construed that requirement in Lopez and Morrison ; (2) robbery and arson, unlike bias-motivated assaults, are "inherently economic crimes"; (3) unlike robbery and arson, bias-motivated assaults do not "further an economic interest"; and (4) robbery and arson are crimes against "property," not crimes against persons. Appellee's Br. at 18-21. As explained below, none of these arguments is persuasive.
First, Defendant argues-and the district court held-that his assault of Tibbs does not fall under Congress's authority to regulate activities that "substantially affect" interstate commerce, as the Supreme Court construed that requirement in Lopez and Morrison . We disagree.
In
Lopez
, the Supreme Court considered a challenge to the Gun-Free School Zones Act, in which Congress established a federal criminal offense prohibiting possession of a firearm near a school.
Morrison
involved a challenge to a provision in the Violence Against Women Act, which established a federal civil remedy for the victims of gender-motivated violence. 529 U.S. at 601-02,
For several reasons,
Lopez
and
Morrison
are readily distinguishable from Defendant's prosecution under the Hate Crimes Act. To begin, whereas the
Lopez
and
Morrison
Courts found it significant that the statutes at issue had no interstate-commerce jurisdictional element, the provision in the Hate Crimes Act under which the jury convicted Defendant expressly includes such an element. That element requires that, to convict a defendant under the Hate Crimes Act, both a court and a fact-finder must determine, in each case, that the defendant's conduct "interfere[d] with commercial or other economic activity in which the victim is engaged at the time of the conduct."
Importantly, the Hate Crime Act's interstate commerce element precludes the Government from prosecuting all bias-motivated crimes, "regardless of how tenuously they relate to interstate commerce" based on the theory that such crimes, in the aggregate, may have substantial downstream effects on interstate commerce-in other words, the "costs of crime" approach rejected in
Lopez
,
The specific conduct at issue in
Lopez
and
Morrison
illustrates the meaningful
constraint imposed by the Hate Crimes Act's interstate commerce element. The conduct giving rise to the prosecutions at issue in
Lopez
and
Morrison
-possessing a handgun on a school campus and domestic violence-did not, under the facts of those cases, interfere with ongoing interstate commerce or economic activity. By contrast, a jury found that Defendant's assault of Tibbs interfered with ongoing commercial activity by preventing Tibbs from continuing to prepare packages for interstate sale and shipment. The
Lopez
Court itself recognized this critical distinction, stating that "Congress is empowered to regulate and protect ... persons or things in interstate commerce,
even though the threat may come only from intrastate activities
."
Additionally, the slippery-slope concern animating the Lopez Court's holding-that allowing Congress to regulate the possession of guns in school zones would give Congress unfettered authority to regulate wholly intrastate conduct traditionally subject to regulation by the States-is not present here. Section 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) of the Hate Crimes Act authorizes federal prosecution of a hate crime only when the crime "interferes with commercial or other economic activity in which the victim is engaged at the time of the conduct," which does not give the federal Government general license to punish crimes of violence motivated by discriminatory animus.
And contrary to the district court's reasoning, our conclusion that the Government lawfully prosecuted Defendant does not mean "Congress can regulate all workplace conduct" or that it can intrude into private homes. J.A. 39. Rather, we hold that Defendant's prosecution complied with the Commerce Clause because his assault of Tibbs interfered with ongoing commercial activity. That holding in no way usurps the States' authority to regulate violent crimes-including hate crimes-unrelated to ongoing interstate commerce.
For example, if Defendant had assaulted Tibbs at a private residence while Tibbs was not engaged in activity related to interstate commerce, then Defendant would not be subject to prosecution under the Hate Crimes Act. Therefore, the Hate Crimes Act's jurisdictional element ensures, "through case-by-case inquiry," that federal charges will arise only where a defendant's conduct has "the requisite nexus with interstate commerce."
Lopez
,
Second, Defendant argues-and the district court agreed-that the Supreme Court's Hobbs Act and arson precedent is inapplicable because bias-motivated assaults, unlike robbery and arson, are not "inherently economic crimes." Appellee's Br. at 21. Defendant is correct that there is nothing "inherently" economic about bias-motivated assaults. But Defendant's argument rests on the incorrect premise that the
actus reus
proscribed by a federal criminal statute must be "inherently economic" in order for the statute to comply with the Commerce Clause. Contrary to Defendant's reasoning, whether the application of a federal statute proscribing violent crime complies with the Commerce Clause does not turn on whether the act proscribed by the statute is "economic" or "non-economic." The Hobbs Act and the federal arson statute comply
with the Commerce Clause when they proscribe conduct interfering with or affecting interstate commerce
not
because robbery and arson are "inherently economic," but rather because those statutes contain jurisdictional elements that limit the statutes' reach to those robberies and arsons that interfere with or affect interstate commerce.
See
United States v. Carr
,
Recall that in the case of the arson statute, for example, the Supreme Court in
Jones
construed the statute to apply only to those properties "currently used in commerce or in an activity affecting commerce"-and not to private residences not used for commercial activity. 529 U.S. at 859,
Defendant's economic/non-economic
actus reus
distinction also runs contrary to decisions by the Supreme Court, this Court, and other circuits regarding the constitutionality of federal laws proscribing the possession of firearms in certain locations or by certain classes of persons.
Following
Lopez
, Congress reenacted the statute, this time with an interstate commerce element requiring that the Government prove the firearm at issue "has moved in or ... otherwise affects interstate or foreign commerce."
Likewise, this Court-along with every other circuit to have considered the issue-has
upheld other federal statutes criminalizing firearm
possession
when the firearm in question moved in interstate commerce. See, e.g.,
United States v. Gallimore
,
The distinction Defendant would have us draw between "inherently economic" and non-economic acts also would lead to any number of anomalous results. For example, under Defendant's reasoning, the Commerce Clause would not permit federal authorities to prosecute an individual who-like Defendant-attacked a coworker engaged in the packing and shipment of a product across state lines. However, if that shipped product was a firearm and the recipient sat on a park bench within 1,000 feet of a public school while in possession of that firearm-be it the following day or seventeen years later-the recipient's conduct would have a sufficient effect on interstate commerce to support the recipient's conviction under the Commerce Clause.
See
United States v. Crump
,
Third, Defendant argues that Defendant's prosecution under the Hate Crimes Act differs from the Supreme Court's Hobbs Act and arson cases because Defendant did not assault Tibbs "in order to further an economic interest." Appellee Br. at 19. But the Supreme Court has recognized that the economic or non-economic nature of proscribed conduct turns on whether the conduct can be shown to
interfere with
or
affect
economic activity subject to congressional regulation-and therefore interstate commerce-and not whether the perpetrator of the conduct was
motivated
by economic interest.
See
Jones
, 529 U.S. at 854,
For example, this Court and other circuits have concluded that federal arson statutes may be applied against defendants who set fire to property used in interstate commerce, notwithstanding that such defendants were motivated by purely personal reasons, and not any economic interest.
See, e.g.
,
United States v. Ballinger
,
Fourth, Defendant argues that his prosecution violated the Constitution because the Commerce Clause permits Congress to regulate only violent crimes against
property
, not crimes against
persons
. Under Defendant's reasoning, therefore, Congress could hold criminally accountable individuals who damage real property owned by a business,
see
Terry
,
The fallacy underlying this distinction is even more evident in light of the rising tide of automation throughout much of the American economy.
See generally
Cynthia Estlund,
What Should We Do After Work? Automation and Employment Law
,
In sum, it is irrelevant that a bias-motivated "punch in the face" is non-economic, standing alone. Appellee's Br. at 22. It is not the violent
act
itself, or the motivation behind that act, that triggers Congress's regulatory authority under the Commerce Clause, but the
effect
of that act on interstate commerce that renders it susceptible to federal regulation. Although "a jurisdictional hook is not ... a talisman that wards off [all] constitutional challenges," the Hate Crimes Act's interstate commerce element ensures that each prosecution under the Hate Crimes Act will bear the necessary relationship to commerce
that renders the crime within Congress's purview.
Patton
,
III.
In the alternative, Defendant argues that the district court reversibly erred in refusing to give the jury Defendant's proposed instructions regarding the Hate Crime Act's interstate commerce element.
Defendant asked the district court to instruct the jury that "in connection with the offense, the Defendant interfered with the commercial or other economic activity in which [Tibbs] was engaged at the time of the conduct; and that the Defendant's conduct substantially affected interstate or foreign commerce." Appellee's Br. at 40; J.A. 138. According to Defendant's proposed instructions, for Defendant's conduct to have "substantially affected interstate ... commerce," "the Government must prove that the violence caused a relatively significant disruption to commerce." Appellee's Br. at 40; J.A. 140. Rather than using Defendant's proposed instructions, the district court instructed the jury that, to convict, it had to find that Defendant's conduct "interfered with the commercial or economic activity in which Tibbs was engaged at the time of the conduct."
The district court did not reversibly err in refusing to give Defendant's proposed instructions as to the interstate commerce element. Defendant's requested instruction requiring the jury to find that his conduct "caused a
relatively significant
disruption to commerce" constituted an incorrect statement of law. As explained previously, the Supreme Court and this Court repeatedly have held that Congress may regulate interference with commerce, even if the effect of the interference on interstate commerce in an individual case is "minimal."
See supra
Part II.A (quoting
Taylor
,
Rather than providing Defendant's errant instruction, the district court properly instructed the jury regarding the Hate Crimes Act's interstate commerce element in accordance with that provision's plain language. Accordingly, we reject Defendant's challenge to the district court's jury instructions.
IV.
In sum, the Hate Crimes Act as applied required the Government to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Defendant's assault on Tibbs "interfere[d] with commercial or other economic activity in which the victim [was] engaged at the time of the conduct."
In establishing that Congress has the authority to proscribe Defendant's assault of Tibbs, we simply follow the decisions of the Supreme Court and this Court regarding the constitutionality of prosecutions under the Hobbs Act and the federal arson statute. And there is no good reason to carve out a special exception to allow criminals who commit sexual orientation hate crimes under similar circumstances to avoid these well-established precedents.
Accordingly, we reverse the district court's judgment of acquittal and remand for reinstatement of the jury's guilty verdict.
REVERSED AND REMANDED
When this case was previously before this Court, the parties referred to Tibbs as "C.T." On appeal, both parties refer to "C.T." by his full name. Therefore, we have also done so.
The district court did not address Defendant's facial challenge to the Hate Crimes Act. Because the parties have not briefed the issue of whether the Act is facially valid, we also decline to decide this issue.
Our dissenting colleague suggests that
Taylor
's analysis as to the scope of Congress's authority under the Commerce Clause to proscribe violent conduct is
sui generis
-that it extends only to "Hobbs Act robberies in which a defendant targets drugs or drug proceeds."
Post
at 220. But contrary to that assertion,
Taylor
expressly followed the Supreme Court's decision in
Raich
-a decision which places itself in the mainstream of the Supreme Court's "modern-era Commerce Clause jurisprudence" and which is unrelated to the Hobbs Act.
The dissenting opinion further states that unlike Taylor , which involved "purely intrastate activities that can be regulated as part of the comprehensive regulation of an interstate economic market," this case does not involve an "interstate economic market." Post at 220. To the contrary, the Hate Crimes Act does not criminalize all intrastate hate crimes, but rather only those hate crimes that interfere with an employee's ongoing commercial and economic activity. Here, there is no question that workers, like Tibbs, are part of the "interstate economic market[s]" for labor and retail goods. And, in this as-applied challenge, there also is no question that Defendant's assault of Tibbs interfered with his preparation of goods for interstate sale and shipment.
We also note that other circuits have upheld arson convictions with less direct connection to commercial activity than the assault at issue here.
See, e.g.
,
United States v. Craft
,
The dissenting opinion maintains that because Section 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) does not include the term "interstate," it "does not require that the class of activities the victim was engaged in substantially affect[ ] interstate commerce, nor does it limit the class of activities regulated to commerce over which Congress has the authority to regulate."
Post
at 216. This is incorrect. As
Raich
established, Congress may "regulate purely local activities that are part of an economic 'class of activities' that have a substantial effect on interstate commerce."
We also note that in "assessing the scope of Congress' Commerce Clause authority" under the Hate Crimes Act, we "need not determine whether [the regulated conduct], taken in the aggregate, substantially affect[s] interstate commerce in fact, but only whether a 'rational basis' exists for so concluding."
Raich
,
The Government argues that Defendant's objection to the district court's charge is not properly before us because Defendant did not cross-appeal the judgment.
See
JH ex rel. JD v. Henrico Cty. Sch. Bd.
,
Dissenting Opinion
Like the majority, I believe that the proper outcome in this case naturally flows from the Supreme Court's Commerce Clause precedent and the terms of
I.
A.
The district court held that § 249(a)(2) was unconstitutional as applied to Hill in this case. I agree. And while my analysis of § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) would likely implicate other prosecutions brought under this particular provision, it is sufficient in this case to determine that the statute operated in a way that was unconstitutional as applied to Hill.
See
Seling v. Young
,
B.
"[T]he Constitution creates a Federal Government of enumerated powers," reserving, among other functions, general police powers to the sovereign States.
United States v. Lopez
,
When "a general regulatory statute bears a substantial relation to commerce, the
de minimis
character of individual instances arising under that statute" does not deprive Congress of the ability to regulate that activity.
Gonzales v. Raich
,
In determining whether a statute substantially affects interstate commerce, the Supreme Court has looked to four factors: (1) Is the regulated activity inherently economic?; (2) Are there legislative findings that reveal why something that does not appear to substantially affect interstate commerce actually does so?; (3) Does the statute contain a jurisdictional element that limits the statute's reach to acts that "have an explicit connection with or effect on interstate commerce"?; and (4) Is the link between the regulated activity and interstate commerce attenuated?
Lopez
,
II.
A.
A distinguishing factor between this statute and those at issue in
Lopez
and
Morrison
is that § 249(a)(2)(B) includes a so-called "jurisdictional element" purporting
to require a connection between the regulated activity-here, bias-motivated assaults-and Congress' Commerce Clause power. In
Lopez
and
Morrison
, the Supreme Court held that the presence of a jurisdictional element "would ensure, through case-by-case inquiry, that the [activity being regulated] affects interstate commerce."
Lopez
,
The Supreme Court ably described this relationship between the substantive and jurisdictional elements of an offense in
Torres v. Lynch
, --- U.S. ----,
In our federal system, Congress cannot punish felonies generally; it may enact only those criminal laws that are connected to one of its constitutionally enumerated powers, such as the authority to regulate interstate commerce. As a result, most federal offenses include, in addition to substantive elements, a jurisdictional one .... The substantive elements primarily define the behavior that the statute calls a violation of federal law .... The jurisdictional element, by contrast, ties the substantive offense ... to one of Congress's constitutional powers ..., thus spelling out the warrant for Congress to legislate.
Likewise, § 249(a)(2) contains both jurisdictional and substantive elements, requiring the Government to prove both that a person "willfully cause[d] bodily injury to any person ... because of the actual or perceived religion, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability of any person," § 249(a)(2)(A), and one of the following:
(i) the conduct described ... occurs during the course of, or as the result of, the travel of the defendant or the victim-
(I) across a State line or national border; or
(II) using a channel, facility, or instrumentality of interstate or foreign commerce ;
(ii) the defendant uses a channel, facility, or instrumentality of interstate or foreign commerce in connection with the conduct described ...;
(iii) in connection with the conduct described ..., the defendant employs a firearm, dangerous weapon, explosive or incendiary device, or other weapon that has traveled in interstate or foreign commerce ; or
(iv) the conduct described ...-
(I) interferes with commercial or other economic activity in which the victim is engaged at the time of the conduct; or
(II) otherwise affects interstate or foreign commerce .
§ 249(a)(2)(B) (emphases added). For purposes of Hill's prosecution, the Government charged that Hill
willfully cause[d] bodily injury to C.T. by assaulting [him], including by punching C.T., because of C.T.'s actual and perceived sexual orientation ...; and that, in connection with the offense, [Hill] interfered with commercial and other economic activity in which C.T. was engaged at the time of the conduct, and which offense otherwise affected interstate and foreign commerce.
J.A. 19; Cf. J.A. 21. For reasons known only to the Government, it struck the language charging Hill under § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(II), that Hill's offense "otherwise affected interstate ... commerce," from the indictment. J.A. 21. Instead, the Government relied solely on § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I), the only provision in the statute with no nexus to interstate or foreign commerce.
As the above-emphasized language reflects, the text of § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) substantially differs from all of the other ways the Government can prove this element of the offense. The other subsections directly refer to "interstate" travel or commerce; further, they track the broad categories of activities the Supreme Court has identified as falling within Congress' power to regulate under the Commerce Clause.
Cf.
Lopez
,
In contrast, § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) is a distinct outlier without an interstate or foreign commerce statutory nexus. Nor is the unrestricted phrase "commercial or other economic activity" one of the categories the Supreme Court has identified as an area Congress can regulate under its Commerce Clause power. By § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) 's plain terms, it contains
no
jurisdictional nexus to Congress' authority under the Commerce Clause and thus fails under
Lopez
to be a "jurisdictional element" that has "an explicit connection with or effect on interstate commerce."
In this regard, § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) 's text is unusual, if not unique, not just within § 249(a)(2)(B), but also within statutory language the Supreme Court and this Court have analyzed since
Lopez
and
Morrison
.
Similarly, this Circuit's cases examining whether a jurisdictional element has ensured that individual prosecutions fall within Congress' Commerce Clause power-regardless of any other factors that also did so-have all addressed statutory language directly connecting the element to Congress' constitutional authority.
E.g.
,
United States v. Umana
,
[T]he scope of the interstate commerce power must be considered in the light of our dual system of government and may not be extended so as to embrace effects upon interstate commerce so indirect and remote that to embrace them, in view of our complex society, would effectually obliterate the distinction between what is national and what is local and create a completely centralized government.
Lopez
,
Section 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) does not ensure that prosecutions under it are "sufficiently tied to interstate commerce [as opposed to regulating] a wider, and more purely intrastate, body of violent crime."
Morrison
, 529 U.S. at 613,
In sum, § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) does not require that the class of activities the victim was engaged in substantially affected interstate commerce, nor does it limit the class of activities regulated to commerce over which Congress has the authority to regulate. As such, it does not do what it must do to "limit [the statute's] reach to a discrete set of [acts] that additionally have an explicit connection with or effect on interstate commerce."
Lopez
,
Applying this principle here, because § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) is not coextensive with Congress' Commerce Clause power, the jury's finding that Hill's conduct satisfied this element of the offense did not demonstrate that Hill's conduct is within the reach of Congress' constitutional authority. In short, Hill was not charged with (or later convicted of) a crime with a stated interstate or foreign commerce jurisdictional
basis.
B.
1.
To be a valid exercise of Congress'
Commerce
Clause authority, the regulated activity must have a substantial effect on interstate
commerce
. One way a statute can do so is if the activity being regulated is economic in nature. Put another way, certain functions can be clearly economic in nature so that a jurisdictional element is not necessary to ensure that the activity being regulated falls within Congress' Commerce Clause power.
United States v. Forrest
,
When undertaking this review,
Lopez
and
Morrison
direct courts to look at the root activity being regulated without regard for the jurisdictional element. The statutes at issue in both of those cases lacked jurisdictional elements, and when discussing the factors to be considered in determining whether the statutes were valid exercises of Congress' Commerce Clause power, the Supreme Court repeatedly cited the noneconomic nature of the root activity regulated and then separately indicated that the presence of a jurisdictional element might be a distinct ground for concluding a statute regulating noneconomic activity could nonetheless be constitutional.
E.g.
,
Lopez
,
Subsequent Supreme Court and Fourth Circuit cases have followed
Lopez
and
Morrison
, keeping separate the inquiry into the economic nature of the root activity being regulated from the inquiry into the jurisdictional element's effect on the statute's constitutionality. This understanding is consistent with the Supreme Court's description in
Torres
that the "substantive elements [of a federal offense] primarily define the behavior that the statute calls a violation of federal law," while the "jurisdictional element ... ties [that] offense ... to one of Congress's constitutional
powers." 136 S. Ct. at 1624 (alterations and internal quotation marks omitted). And that view has been implemented in cases like
Raich
, where the Supreme Court upheld the Controlled Substances Act ("CSA") based on the CSA being a comprehensive regulation of an economic activity-the drug market-without reference to the Act's jurisdictional element.
In enacting
The first and third subsections of § 249(a), which regulate the same root activity as § 249(a)(2), confirm this understanding of what Congress is regulating in this statute. Subsection (a)(1) prohibits "willfully caus[ing] bodily injury to any person" or attempting to do so through various described means "because of the actual or perceived" protected characteristics of the victim. § 249(a)(1). The only difference in the two substantive offenses under § 249(a)(1) and (2) is the covered protected characteristics of the victim. That difference is tied to Congress' stated constitutional grounds for enacting the two separate statutory provisions: Congress cited its authority under the Thirteenth Amendment to enact subsection (a)(1), and the protected characteristics of the victim purportedly relate back to that authority ("race, color, religion, or national origin"), while it cited its authority under the Commerce Clause to enact subsection (a)(2), where the protected characteristics of the victim are not so restricted.
See
Matthew Shepard & James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, Pub. L. No. 111-84, Div. E., § 4702,
But the root activity § 249(a)(2) regulates is simply a subcategory of all assaults, conduct that has no discernible connection to commercial or economic activity of any sort, let alone the interstate variety.
It's also worth noting here that although the majority frames its analysis of § 249(a)(2) 's regulated activity to include the statute's jurisdictional element, they agree with the clear basic premise that "there is nothing 'inherently' economic about bias-motivated assaults." Ante at 205. Moreover, nothing in its subsequent discussion of the Supreme Court's cases conflicts with this fundamental understanding that certain acts-infliction of bodily injury being one of them-are not inherently economic activities and thus cannot be regulated absent some other means of connecting the activity to Congress' Commerce Clause power. Therefore, the majority erred in failing to separate § 249(a)(2) 's root activity from the jurisdictional element for this inquiry, which led to its equally erroneous designation of this statute as an economic regulation as opposed to a noneconomic one: one that thus fails to fall within Congress' Commerce Clause authority.
2.
Given its centrality to the majority's analysis, a brief discussion regarding the Supreme Court's decision in Taylor is warranted. The majority vastly overreads Taylor as a basis for concluding that Congress has power under the Commerce Clause to regulate the range of commercial and economic activity that § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) encompasses.
The Supreme Court explicitly limited its holding in Taylor to Hobbs Act robberies in which a defendant targets drugs or drug proceeds; it did not purport to address the Government's burden for proving the jurisdictional element in other Hobbs Act cases, let alone its burden of proof for the jurisdictional element of other statutes. I take the Supreme Court at its word. See Taylor , 136 S. Ct. at 2082 ("Our holding today is limited to cases in which the defendant targets drug dealers for the purpose of stealing drugs or drug proceeds. We do not resolve what the Government must prove to establish Hobbs Act robbery where some other type of business or victim is targeted."). This limitation was directed squarely at Justice Thomas' dissenting opinion, which cautioned that the majority's "reasoning allows for unbounded regulation" akin to a general police power. Id. at 2087 (Thomas, J., dissenting). Justice Thomas' concerns have been borne out today, as the majority has construed Congress' authority under the Commerce Clause to authorize prosecutions under a purported jurisdictional element requiring no nexus to interstate commerce.
In addition, the majority overlooks that Taylor -and Raich - addressed a different aspect of Congress' authority to regulate under the Commerce Clause than what is at issue in this case. Those cases specifically involved purely intrastate activities that can be regulated as part of the comprehensive regulation of an interstate economic market. There is no such market here.
The analysis and result in
Taylor
flowed directly from the Court's analysis in
Raich
.
Id.
at 2081 ("[O]ur decision in
Raich
controls the outcome here. As long as Congress may regulate the purely intrastate possession and sale of illegal drugs, Congress may criminalize the theft or attempted theft of those same drugs."). In
Raich
, the Supreme Court considered the constitutionality of the CSA, a comprehensive regulatory scheme directed at an entire economic market.
As the district court recognized, "[u]nlike the CSA, [ § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) ] does not regulate a commercial interstate market."
United States v. Hill
, No. 3:16-cr-00009-JAG,
In sum, § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) cannot be sustained under
Taylor
and
Raich
(or the earlier regulatory cases
Lopez
had distinguished) because all those cases involved the regulation of purely intrastate activities that, as a necessary part of regulation of interstate activities, plainly fell within Congress' Commerce Clause power.
See
Lopez
,
3.
As discussed in detail earlier, when examining whether prosecutions under § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) are sufficiently connected to interstate commerce to satisfy the Constitution, the noneconomic nature of the root activity regulated by § 249(a)(2) prohibits the Government from aggregating all bias-motivated assaults interfering with a victim's commercial or economic activity to satisfy its burden to show that Hill's prosecution has the requisite nexus to Congress' power under the Commerce Clause.
The reasons behind this constraining principle are simple: otherwise, Congress' Commerce Clause power would be limitless. The Supreme Court has "reject[ed] the argument that Congress may regulate noneconomic, violent criminal conduct based solely on that conduct's aggregate effect on interstate commerce."
Morrison
, 529 U.S. at 617,
The regulation and punishment of intrastate violence that is not directed at the instrumentalities, channels, or goods involved in interstate commerce has always been the province of the States. Indeed, we can think of no better example of the police power, which the Founders denied the National Government and reposed in the States, than the suppression of violent crime and vindication of its victims.
Hill's prosecution is a prime example of the Supreme Court's concern that aggregating noneconomic crimes to arrive at the requisite connection to interstate commerce would render the Commerce Clause meaningless and indistinguishable from the constitutional defects in
Lopez
and
Morrison
. Hill's punch had no discernible impact on any commercial or economic activity scheduled to occur that day. Other workers at the distribution center absorbed the men's work, leading two witnesses to testify Hill's assault had no commercial impact whatsoever, let alone any effect on interstate commerce. First, Gina Serafini, an Amazon assistant manager, testified that the assault did not result in any missed critical pull times, or otherwise affect the ability to meet those times, which indicate that packages were shipped in the time Amazon had promised delivery. J.A. 420, 429. Second, expert witness Dr. Jonathan Whitaker testified that, based on his review of Amazon's shift performance statistics for the distribution center, "Amazon's financial and operational performance on that shift [during which the assault occurred] was no different than any other shift."
To allow Congress to exercise its Commerce Clause power over the noneconomic offense of a bias-motived punch would allow Congress to exercise its Commerce Clause power based on such indirect-and often, as here, non-existent-connection to commerce that it converts the Clause into a federal police power. Certainly, "congressional power under the Commerce Clause is necessarily one of degree."
Lopez
,
There is a view of causation that would obliterate the distinction between what is national and what is local in the activities of commerce. Motion at the outer rim is communicated perceptibly, though minutely, to recording instruments at the center. A society such as ours is an elastic medium which transmits all tremors throughout its territory; the only question is of their size.
I agree with the district court's conclusion that allowing Hill's conviction to stand would mean that § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) 's scope "would barely have an end, as [it] could cover any conduct that occurs anywhere, as long as the government can show that the victim was 'engaged' in some sort of economic activity."
Hill
,
C.
Although legislative findings are not required in order to conclude that a statute has a substantial effect on interstate commerce, the Supreme Court has repeatedly recognized that such findings are relevant and often useful to a Commerce Clause inquiry.
Lopez
,
The Government cannot rely on the legislative findings underpinning § 249(a)(2) any more than it could in
Morrison
. Allowing the requisite link to be established by such generic boilerplate would, "[i]f accepted, ... allow Congress to regulate any crime."
The same reasoning that led the Supreme Court to reject the sufficiency of the legislative findings in
Morrison
compels rejection of the findings in § 249(a)(2) as well: they offer no specific connection between the activity being regulated and interstate commerce and instead point to general-and ultimately unworkable-principles tied to the down-stream effects of certain crimes on interstate commerce, all of which the Supreme Court has rejected.
See
For these reasons, Congress' findings do not articulate the connection between a bias-motivated punch and interstate commerce so as to be sufficient under the Commerce Clause to allow Hill's prosecution.
D.
The attenuated link between the regulated activity and interstate commerce here demonstrates why Congress lacked the power under the Commerce Clause to regulate the class of activities at issue in
this case. Because no intuitive connection between bias-motivated assaults and interstate commerce exists, it's necessary to "pile inference upon inference" to create one.
Lopez
,
III.
The analysis ends under the Lopez and Morrison factors as they clearly direct that Hill's prosecution under § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) does not fall within Congress' enumerated powers. Nonetheless, a few additional principles also support this conclusion: (1) avoiding constitutional doubt; (2) federalism; and (3) the rule of lenity.
A.
"[W]here a statute is susceptible of two constructions, by one of which grave and doubtful constitutional questions arise and by the other of which such questions are avoided, our duty is to adopt the latter."
Jones
, 529 U.S. at 857,
As well illustrated by the foregoing discussion, the same concern cautions against the broad view of Congress' Commerce Clause power adopted by the majority in this case. Following the admonition of
Jones
, we should abjure from the constitutionally suspect approach and adopt an understanding that will avoid "grave and doubtful constitutional questions."
B.
I also echo the concerns expressed by Justice Stevens in his concurrence in
Jones
in that this case involves "the kinship between [the Court's] well-established presumption against federal pre-emption of state law, and [its] reluctance to believe Congress intended to authorize federal intervention in local law enforcement in a marginal case such as this."
Jones
, 529 U.S. at 859,
C.
Lastly, the majority's broad reading of § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) to encompass Hill's conduct should have been avoided under the rule of lenity. The Supreme Court "ha[s] instructed that ambiguity concerning the ambit of criminal statutes should be resolved in favor of lenity."
IV.
Although Hill's prosecution under § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) exceeded Congress' Commerce Clause power, no one condones Hill's underlying conduct. Workplace violence is inexcusable whatever its motive, and punches are well within a State's general police power to punish. But this case is not about the general immorality or criminality of Hill's conduct; it is about whether Congress can regulate that conduct under its power to regulate activities that have a substantial effect on interstate commerce. For the reasons set out above, Hill's prosecution lacked the requisite connection to interstate commerce to fall within Congress' Commerce Clause power. I therefore respectfully dissent and would affirm the judgment of the district court.
Given the unusual language used here and that this case is the first to address this provision of § 249(a)(2), it is of no consequence that no other cases have concluded that a federal statute with such a non-distinct jurisdictional element has exceeded Congress' Commerce Clause power. See supra [203-04].
What's more, regardless of how particular cases have turned out, circuit courts have uniformly recognized that the mere presence of a jurisdictional element is not dispositive to the Commerce Clause inquiry.
E.g.
,
United States v. Durham
,
The federal offense of possession of a firearm or ammunition by a convicted felon,
But Congress did not use these jurisdictional words of art in § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I), so this case does not require any reconciliation of
Scarborough
and
Lopez
.
See, e.g.
,
Jones
, 529 U.S. at 854,
As noted, the Government here affirmatively eliminated language representing an interstate or foreign commerce jurisdictional nexus by striking the language of § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(II) from the indictment and charging Hill under § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) alone.
In prosecuting Hill under § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I), the Government sought to punish him for the specific act of punching a co-worker because of that co-worker's actual or perceived sexual orientation, which is also simply a subset of all assaults.
Where a valid jurisdictional element exists, such that a "class of activities is regulated
and that class is within the reach of federal power
, the courts have no power to excise, as trivial, individual instances of the class."
Perez v. United States
,
The majority sidesteps this federalism mandate by observing that before the Government can prosecute a defendant under § 249(a)(2), the Attorney General must certify that the prosecution "is in the public interest and necessary to secure substantial justice."
Specifically, he reported that Amazon's records showed that the distribution center shipped 99.9931% of their packages on time during the shift in which the assault occurred, which was comparable to both the next shift (99.9932%) and the "average for all the shifts during May for that facility" (99.9939%). J.A. 458-59.
While the majority purports to reject the view that § 249(a)(2)(B)(iv)(I) could be applied wherever an individual is at work, it offers no limiting principle for why interfering with an employee's work would not always qualify as interfering with "commercial or other economic activity," whether it's her own activities as an employee or her employer's activities as a member of the national market.
Reference
- Full Case Name
- UNITED STATES of America, Plaintiff - Appellant, v. James William HILL, III, Defendant - Appellee. Matthew Shepard Foundation; Freestate Justice, Inc.; Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund, Incorporated; The Anti-Defamation League; Trevor Project ; Public Justice Center; Japanese American Citizens League, Amici Supporting Appellant.
- Cited By
- 7 cases
- Status
- Published