National Association of Broadcasters v. FCC
National Association of Broadcasters v. FCC
National Association of Broadcasters v. FCC
Opinion
United States Court of Appeals
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT
Argued April 7, 2025 Decided August 1, 2025
No. 24-1296
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF BROADCASTERS,
PETITIONER
v.
FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION AND UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA,
RESPONDENTS
On Petition for Review of an Order
of the Federal Communications Commission
Stephen B. Kinnaird argued the cause for petitioner. With
him on the briefs were Richard Kaplan, Jerianne Timmerman,
and Erin L. Dozier.
Bradley Craigmyle, pro hac vice, Federal
Communications Commission, argued the cause for
respondents. On the brief were Robert B. Nicholson and Peter
M. Bozzo, Attorneys, U.S. Department of Justice, Jacob M.
Lewis, Deputy General Counsel, Federal Communications
Commission, Sarah E. Citrin, Deputy Associate General
Counsel, and Rachel Proctor May, Counsel. William J. Scher,
Attorney Advisor, entered an appearance.
2
Before: HENDERSON, KATSAS and RAO, Circuit Judges.
Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge KAREN
LECRAFT HENDERSON
I. BACKGROUND .............................................................4
A. Statutory Background ..............................................4
B. Regulatory and Procedural Background ..................7
1. 2021 Rule ........................................................ 7
2. 2024 Rule ...................................................... 10
II. ANALYSIS ...................................................................12
A. Redefinition of Lease .............................................13
1. Notice-and-Comment Compliance................ 14
a. Commercial Ad Exemption................... 16
b. Political-Candidate-Ad Exemption ....... 18
2. Arbitrary-and-Capricious Review ................. 22
3. First Amendment Compliance ...................... 25
a. Text........................................................ 26
b. Content-Based Versus Content-Neutral
Regulation ............................................. 28
c. Appropriate Level of Scrutiny............... 30
d. Application of Exacting Scrutiny .......... 37
B. Reasonable Diligence Requirements .....................41
1. Corroboration Requirement .......................... 42
2. Inquiries Into Production and Distribution
Chain ............................................................. 44
3. Regulation of Lessees ................................... 48
3
KAREN LECRAFT HENDERSON, Circuit Judge: In 1844,
from the old U.S. Supreme Court chambers in the Capitol
basement, Samuel F.B. Morse transmitted the first message by
telegraph in the United States: “What hath God wrought?” His
success kicked off a transformation in communications.
Morse believed it would be “most natural” for the
telegraph to operate under government control given its “rapid
and regular transmission of intelligence” and so sought to sell
the rights to the national government. Ltr. From S. Morse to
Levi Woodbury, Sec. of the Treasury (Sept. 27, 1837),
reprinted in Alfred Vail, The American Electro Magnetic
Telegraph 69–73 (1847), [https://perma.cc/EK44-M62W].
The country opted instead for private development but the Civil
War soon exposed the national security potential of the
technology. In short course, the federal government acted to
prevent a foreign monopoly on transatlantic cables and, later,
President Wilson temporarily nationalized the industry during
the First World War.
When radio communications entered the national scene,
the government drew on these lessons and elected to exercise a
heavy regulatory hand. Despite lobbying from the U.S. Navy,
the Congress declined to fully nationalize radio transmissions
but, given its wartime potential, the Congress created a strict
licensing regime that forbade foreigners from the market.
Throughout the subsequent development of broadcast
communications, fears of foreign influence over America’s
airwaves have remained.
Eventually, in 2021, the Federal Communications
Commission (FCC) promulgated a rule requiring broadcasters
to disclose if any of their programming was paid for by a
foreign governmental entity. The industry found the disclosure
scheme onerous and, later that year, the National Association
4
of Broadcasters (NAB) successfully challenged a narrow
portion of the rule. See Nat’l Ass’n of Broads. v. FCC (“NAB
I”), 39 F.4th 817 (D.C. Cir. 2022). After that decision, the
Commission went back to the drawing board and, in 2024, it
issued an amended rule that altered both the covered
programming and the required reasonable diligence steps.
NAB now challenges several provisions of the 2024 Rule. As
to the regulated programming, NAB argues the Rule violates
the First Amendment as well as the Administrative Procedure
Act (APA) twice over. As to the reasonable diligence
requirements, NAB argues that the Commission exceeded its
statutory authority.
We reject NAB’s challenges. Procedurally, the rule
complied with the APA’s notice-and-comment requirements
and did not exceed the Commission’s statutory authority.
Substantively, the rule is neither arbitrary nor capricious and
passes First Amendment muster. Accordingly, as explained
infra, we deny NAB’s petition for review.
I. BACKGROUND
A. Statutory Background
As it developed, radio communication brought with it a
tragedy of the commons: Finite broadcast frequencies lacking
an allocation system caused users to interfere with one
another’s broadcasts.1 Each radio station “claim[ed] the right
1
Tragedy of the commons occurs when a public resource—a
commons—lacks a “[]centralized decisionmak[er]” and “the rational
but independent pursuit by each decisionmaker of its own self-
interest leads to results that leave all decisionmakers worse off than
they would have been had they been able to agree collectively on a
different set of policies.” Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc. v. Costle, 568
F.2d 1369, 1378 n.19 (D.C. Cir. 1977).
5
to send forth its electric waves through the ether at any time,”
creating “a state of chaos” in which communications were
“drowned out . . . by numerous stations all trying to
communicate at once.” S. Rep. No. 61-659, at 4 (1910)
(quoting Sec’y of the Navy (Mar. 30, 1910)). In response, the
Congress passed the Radio Act of 1912, which required a
license to use interstate radio communications. Pub. L. No. 62-
264, ch. 287, 37 Stat. 302. The legislation did not give the
government “general regulative power” nor “repose any []
discretion in [the department heads] in the matter of licenses.”
Radio Commc’n Issuance of Licenses, 29 Op. Att’y Gen. 579,
581 (1912). As a result, it left the government without tools to
control the burgeoning radio broadcast industry.
In 1920, the first commercial broadcast was conducted
from a U.S. radio station. Within four years, hundreds of
commercial radio stations were operating in the U.S. Finite
radio frequencies could not “be used by all,” requiring “some
who wish[ed] to use it [to] be denied.” NBC, Inc. v. United
States, 319 U.S. 190, 226 (1943). But the 1912 Act imposed a
“mandatory” duty on the government to issue a license to any
qualified broadcaster, Hoover v. Intercity Radio Co., 286 F.
1003, 1007 (D.C. Cir. 1923), slowing down its effort to curb
the growing problem of cross-use interference.
The Congress responded with the Radio Act of 1927,
which established a multimember Federal Radio Commission
to issue licenses to those broadcasters operating “in the public
interest, convenience, or necessity.” Pub. L. No. 69-632, ch.
169, §§ 3, 11, 44 Stat. 1162, 1162–63, 1167. Relevant here,
the Radio Act also required a licensee to announce on air when
any broadcast was paid for by another. Id. § 19, 44 Stat. at
1170. In 1934, the Congress folded the Federal Radio
Commission into the newly created Federal Communications
Commission and the Radio Act’s disclosure requirement
6
became § 317 of the Communications Act of 1934. Pub. L.
No. 73-416, Title III, § 317, 48 Stat. 1064, 1089, codified as
amended at 47 U.S.C. § 317(a)(1).
In addition to requiring disclosure of broadcast content
paid for by another, the FCC can, in its discretion, require a
licensee to disclose if “any political program or . . .
controversial issue” was broadcast on behalf of a third party
“without charge or at a nominal charge.” Id. § 317(a)(2). If a
licensee later learns of “circumstances that would have
required” a § 317 disclosure, it must make an “appropriate
announcement.” Id. § 317(b). A licensee must also “exercise
reasonable diligence to obtain . . . information to enable” the
requisite disclosures. Id. § 317(c). And the Commission is
required to “prescribe appropriate rules and regulations to carry
out” § 317’s disclosure rules. Id. § 317(e). Pursuant to its
rulemaking authority, the Commission has long allowed
commercial advertisements to satisfy the Communications
Act’s general disclosure requirements with “an announcement
stating the sponsor’s corporate or trade name, or the name of
the sponsor’s product, when it is clear that the mention of the
name of the product constitutes a sponsorship identification.”
47 C.F.R. § 73.1212(f) (Commercial Ad Exemption).
From the outset, the Congress has “determin[ed] to
‘safeguard the United States from foreign influence’ in
broadcasting.” Moving Phones P’ship L.P. v. FCC, 998 F.2d
1051, 1055 (D.C. Cir. 1993) (quoting Kansas City Broad.
Co., 5 Rad. Reg. (P & F) 1057, 1093 (1952)). After studying
the Japanese Navy’s use of wireless communications during
the 1904 Russo-Japanese War, the U.S. Interdepartmental
Board of Wireless Telegraphy recommended that broadcast
communication be controlled by the government due to its
wartime potential. See Wireless Telegraphy: Report of the
Inter-Departmental Board (1904), [https://perma.cc/9UEC-
7
5BT2]. The Congress recognized broadcast’s national security
implications but opted for a less drastic measure, with the 1912
Radio Act restricting broadcast licenses to U.S. citizens or
companies. See Pub. L. No. 62-264, §§ 1–2, 37 Stat. 302, 302–
03. Over time, even these restrictions proved insufficient.
Foreign nationals obtained broadcast licenses through U.S.
corporations, leading the Congress to bar aliens from serving
as officers of licensee corporations and to limit foreign
ownership to no more than twenty per cent of a licensee’s
stock. Radio Act of 1927, Pub. L. No. 69-632, ch. 169, § 12,
44 Stat. 1162, 1167.
The Communications Act of 1934 tightened these
restrictions. Drawing on “lessons that the United States had
learned from the foreign dominance of the cables and the
dangers from espionage and propaganda disseminated through
foreign-owned radio stations in the United States prior to and
during [World War I],” Hearings on H.R. 8301 before the H.
Comm. on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, 73d Cong. 54
(1934), the Act prohibited the FCC from granting a broadcast
license to any foreign government or any person or entity under
foreign control. Pub. L. No. 73–416, § 310(a), 48 Stat. at 1086,
codified as amended at 47 U.S.C. § 310(a)–(b). Today,
although foreigners may not obtain a broadcast license, they
remain free to partner with U.S. licensees to broadcast their
message, subject to § 317’s disclosure requirements.
B. Regulatory and Procedural Background
1. 2021 Rule
Public reporting in the mid to late 2010s indicated that two
of America’s chief geopolitical adversaries—Russia and
China—were broadcasting foreign propaganda over U.S.
airwaves while skirting the Communication Act’s disclosure
requirements. In re Sponsorship Identification Requirements
8
for Foreign Gov’t-Provided Programming, 36 FCC Rcd. 7702,
7702 ¶ 1 n.1, 7704 ¶ 3 n.9 (2021) (2021 Rule). Under the
Commission’s then-operative rules, broadcasters were required
to disclose broadcast sponsors but not “the relationship of that
sponsor to a foreign country.” Id. at 7705–06 ¶ 7. To plug the
gap, the Commission’s 2021 Rule made two principal changes.
First, the FCC required a broadcaster to make an on-air
foreign sponsorship identification for any programming
provided by a “foreign governmental entity.” Id. at 7708 ¶ 14.
The Commission defined “foreign governmental entity” based
on the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), 22 U.S.C.
§ 611 et seq., and on a separate list of foreign media outlets
maintained by the Commission under § 722 of the
Communications Act.2 The 2021 Rule applied only to
traditional leasing agreements, id. at 7713 ¶ 24, which the
Commission defined as “a discrete block of broadcast time on
[a licensee’s] station available to be programmed by another
party,” called a lessee, for compensation. Id. at 7715–16 ¶ 28.
The lease definition excluded “traditional, short-form
advertising time.” Id.
Second, the FCC prescribed five steps necessary to satisfy
§ 317(c)’s “reasonable diligence” requirement as applied to the
2021 Rule: A licensee must (i) inform a lessee of the foreign
sponsorship disclosure requirement; (ii) inquire whether the
lessee qualifies as a foreign governmental entity; (iii) inquire if
the lessee knows if any entity involved in the production or
distribution of the broadcast programming is a foreign
2
Specifically, the 2021 Rule applied to (1) a “government of a
foreign country,” (2) a “foreign political party” or (3) an “agent of a
foreign principal,” as defined by FARA; or (4) a “U.S.-based foreign
media outlet” as defined by the Communications Act. Id. at 7708–
09 ¶ 14; see 22 U.S.C. § 611 (FARA definitions); 47 U.S.C.
§ 624(d)(2) (foreign media outlet definition).
9
governmental entity and provided an inducement for the
programming; (iv) confirm independently the lessee’s status by
searching the lessee’s name in the U.S. Justice Department’s
FARA website and the FCC’s U.S.-based foreign media outlets
reports; and (v) memorialize compliance with the preceding
steps in order to respond to any Commission inquiry. Id. at
7720–24, ¶¶ 38–43.
NAB challenged the 2021 Rule and we held that it
exceeded the Commission’s rulemaking authority by requiring
a licensee to search federal websites as part of its “reasonable
diligence” duty. See NAB I, 39 F.4th at 820. Section 317(c)
requires a broadcaster to “exercise reasonable diligence to
obtain from its employees, and from other persons with whom
it deals directly . . . information to enable [the broadcaster] to
make” disclosure announcements, 47 U.S.C. § 317(c)
(emphasis added), but the 2021 Rule also required “a
broadcaster to seek information from two federal sources.”
NAB I, 39 F.4th at 820.
While NAB pursued its challenge to the 2021 Rule, several
individual broadcasters petitioned the Commission to clarify
the “short-form advertising” exception to the lease definition.
See Pet. for Clarification, MB Dkt. No. 20-299 (July 19, 2021).
In response, the FCC announced a proposed rulemaking to
“strengthen . . . the foreign sponsorship identification rules in
the wake of the D.C. Circuit’s vacatur” and to decide “what
criteria the Commission might adopt to distinguish between
advertising and . . . the lease of airtime.” Second Notice of
Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM), Sponsorship Identification
Requirements for Foreign Gov’t-Provided Programming, 37
FCC Rcd. 12004, 12009 ¶ 12, 12038 ¶ 24 (proposed Oct. 6,
2022). The Commission NPRM expressed concern that “the
concept of ‘advertising’ [] not subsume ‘leased time’” and
included several “key characteristics” that could serve as
10
distinguishing criteria, including “duration, content, editorial
control, or differences in the nature of the contractual
relationship between the licensee and the entity that purchases
an advertising spot versus leasing airtime.” Id. at 12038–39
¶ 24.
2. 2024 Rule
Almost two years later, the Commission published its
proposed final rule. See Second Report and Order,
Sponsorship Identification Requirements for Foreign Gov’t-
Provided Programming, MB Dkt. No. 20-299, FCC No. 24-61,
2024 WL 2972402 (June 10, 2024) (2024 Rule). The 2024
Rule retained the core disclosure requirements for
programming provided by a foreign governmental entity, with
two material changes: It revised the distinction between leases
and ads and amended the reasonable diligence requirements.
As to covered broadcast material, the 2024 Rule revised
the advertising exemption. Rather than exclude “traditional,
short-form advertising” from the Rule—which the broadcast
industry had found “confusi[ng]”—the Commission instead
drew the lease/advertisement divide around ads for commercial
products or services. 2024 Rule ¶ 42. Specifically, if an ad
falls under the FCC’s longstanding Commercial Ad Exemption
regulation, a licensee need not separately comply with the 2024
Rule. Id. ¶¶ 42–45. The Commission also exempted political
candidate ads—that is, ads purchased by candidates for public
office or their authorized committee—from the 2024 Rule. It
explained that § 315 of the Communications Act already
imposes disclosure requirements on political candidates, see 47
U.S.C. § 315(b)(2)(C)–(D), and that Federal Election
Commission rules already prohibit foreign nationals from
donating to political candidates, thus “greatly limiting” the
need for the 2024 Rule in this respect. 2024 Rule ¶ 46.
11
The Commission further clarified that two categories of
ads are not exempt from the revised disclosure rule: Paid
public-service announcements (PSAs) and issue
advertisements. Id. ¶ 47. The FCC defined an issue ad as “any
paid political matter or matter involving the discussion of a
controversial issue of public importance” unless “made by or
on behalf of legally qualified candidates for public office or
their authorized committees.” Id. Thus, a broadcaster carrying
an ad advocating for or against a cause or candidate is subject
to the 2024 Rule, unless the ad runs from the candidate himself.
The Commission offered several reasons for the distinction,
including that (i) issue advertisements and PSAs are not subject
to § 315 disclosure; (ii) the Congress evinced “a heightened
concern about the source of issue advertisements” in
§ 317(a)(2)3; and (iii) although foreign nationals are prohibited
from electoral expenditures on a candidate’s behalf, no law
restricts their funding of non-electoral issue advertisements.
Id. ¶ 47–48.
As to reasonable diligence, the 2024 Rule readopted the
2021 Rule’s requirements, minus the impermissible
government database search. See 47 C.F.R. § 73.1212(j)(3),
revised by 89 Fed. Red. 57,775-02, 57,793.4 It also offered two
alternate paths to a licensee to prove compliance with
§ 73.1212(j)(3). Under the “certification option,” a licensee
can provide the Commission with a written certification that it
has complied with § 73.1212(j)(3) and has sought a written
3
Section 317(a)(2) authorizes the Commission to require
licensees to disclose if “any political program or . . . controversial
issue” is broadcast on behalf of a third party, even if it is broadcast
“without charge or at a nominal charge.” Id. § 317(a)(2).
4
The Commission’s revisions to 47 C.F.R. § 73.1212(j)(3) are
delayed pending review by the Office of Management and Budget.
89 Fed. Red. at 57,792–93.
12
certification from the lessee as to the same. Id.
§ 73.1212(j)(3)(iv)(A). The Rule includes two single-page
standard-form certifications but also allows licensees to “use
their own certification language, provided that language
addresses” § 73.1212(j)(3)’s requirements. 2024 Rule ¶ 20.
Under the “screenshot option,” a licensee can ask a lessee to
search its own name in the FARA and U.S-based foreign media
outlet databases and provide a screenshot of the results. 47
C.F.R. § 73.1212(j)(3)(iv)(B). The licensee must also seek
“other information” from the lessee, including whether it
satisfies the foreign government sponsor criteria
notwithstanding the screenshot. Id. Under both options, a
licensee fulfills its obligation by simply asking the lessee for
the requisite information; the Rule does not require that the
lessee respond or respond truthfully. 2024 Rule ¶¶ 34–35 &
nn. 87, 89.
II. ANALYSIS
The Administrative Orders Review Act (Hobbs Act)
grants the federal courts of appeals “exclusive jurisdiction” to
review “all final orders of the [FCC] made reviewable by
section 402(a)” of the Communications Act. 28 U.S.C.
§ 2342(1). Section 402(a) covers “[a]ny proceeding to enjoin,
set aside, annul, or suspend any order of the Commission” in a
pre-enforcement challenge. 47 U.S.C. § 402(a); see
McLaughlin Chiropractic Assoc., Inc. v. McKesson Corp., 606
U.S. __, slip op. at 4 (2025). Venue is proper under 28 U.S.C.
§ 2343.
We review whether the FCC’s rulemaking was “arbitrary,
capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in
accordance with law.” 5 U.S.C. § 706(2)(A). The Commission
satisfies arbitrary-and-capricious review so long as it
considered relevant information and drew “a rational
13
connection between the facts found and the choice made.”
Motor Vehicle Mfrs. Ass’n v. State Farm Mut. Auto Ins., 463
U.S. 29, 43 (1983) (quotations omitted). Whether the
Commission exceeded its statutory authority is a question of
law we review de novo. Loper Bright Enters. v. Raimondo, 603
U.S. 369, 412 (2024).
NAB mounts five challenges to the 2024 Rule. As to
airtime leases, NAB contends that the 2024 Rule (i) violates
notice and comment because the Commission failed to identify
its contemplated redefinition of exempted ads in the notice of
proposed rulemaking; (ii) arbitrarily and capriciously creates
regulatory categories unsupported by the evidence; and
(iii) violates the First Amendment by drawing speaker- and
content-based distinctions. As to the reasonable diligence
requirements, NAB argues that the Commission exceeded its
statutory authority by (iv) requiring broadcasters to corroborate
their lessees’ information and (v) imposing requirements on
lessees, which entities and/or individuals fall outside the
Commission’s jurisdiction. We address each claim in turn.
A. Redefinition of Lease
Before proceeding to the merits of NAB’s challenge, a
threshold issue warrants discussion. The APA sets forth the
procedures that federal agencies must follow when engaged in
“rule making,” which the APA defines as the “process for
formulating, amending, or repealing a rule.” 5 U.S.C. § 551(5).
A rule is an agency statement “designed to implement,
interpret, or prescribe law or policy” prospectively. Id.
§ 551(4). But not all rules are cut from the same cloth.
Substantive rules—sometimes termed “legislative
rules”—are agency rules that have “the force and effect of
law.” Chrysler Corp. v. Brown, 441 U.S. 281, 302–03 & n.31
(1979) (quotations omitted). Because these rules can bind
14
private parties, they must adhere to heightened procedural
safeguards: The APA’s notice-and-comment process.
5 U.S.C. § 553 (b), (d). By contrast, interpretive rules set forth
an agency’s own interpretation of a statutory or regulatory term
or phrase. See Shalala v. Guernsey Mem’l Hospital, 514 U.S.
87, 99 (1995). Because they are non-binding outside the
agency, interpretive rules are exempt from section 553 notice-
and-comment requirements. 5 U.S.C. § 553(b)(A).
The parties here apparently assume that the 2024 Rule is
entirely substantive but that is not plain from the face of the
Rule.5 Nevertheless, given the parties’ assumption and
following the FCC’s recommendation, we assume without
deciding that the entirety of the 2024 Rule is substantive.
1. Notice-and-Comment Compliance
Before an agency adopts a new substantive rule, the APA
requires the agency to jump through certain procedural hoops
that allow the public to weigh in on its proposal. These
hoops—the APA’s notice-and-comment process—consist of
four steps: (i) Notice: Publication of a “[g]eneral notice of
proposed rulemaking,” which specifies “either the terms or
substance of the proposed rule or a description of the subjects
5
To determine whether a rule is substantive, we consider
whether the agency intended the rule to create legal effects or merely
to explain preexisting legal rights or obligations. See Nat’l Council
for Adoption v. Blinken, 4 F.4th 106, 114 (D.C. Cir. 2021). Portions
of the 2024 Rule appear to meet hallmarks of substantive agency
rulemaking. The political-candidate exemption, for example, is
published in the C.F.R. See 47 C.F.R. § 73.1212(j)(8). Other
sections of the 2024 Rule do not. The inclusion of PSAs and issue
advertisements, for example, appear only in the preamble to the Rule
and simply clarify the agency’s understanding of the term “lease.”
2024 Rule ¶ 47.
15
and issues involved,” 5 U.S.C. § 553(b); (ii) Comment: An
opportunity for the public “to participate in the rule making
through submission of written data, views, or arguments,” id.
§ 553(c); (iii) Rulemaking: Consideration of the comments
and incorporation into the rule of a “concise general statement”
of its “basis and purpose,” id.; and (iv) Promulgation:
Publication of the final rule, id. § 553(d).
Because notice and comment is designed to allow the
public to participate in an agency’s rulemaking, the agency
often amends its rule between initial proposal and final
publication. But if the agency’s final rule strays too far from
its initial outline, the process is defeated: Interested parties are
stripped of their opportunity to comment meaningfully on the
rule before it takes effect. To meet the notice requirement, the
final rule “must be a logical outgrowth of the rule proposed.”
Long Island Care at Home, Ltd. v. Coke, 551 U.S. 158, 174
(2007) (citation modified).
There is no “precise definition of what counts as a ‘logical
outgrowth.’” Nat’l Min. Ass’n v. Mine Safety & Health Admin.,
116 F.3d 520, 531 (D.C. Cir. 1997) (per curiam). Consistent
with the APA, an agency can “continue its deliberations and
internal decisionmaking process after the close of public
comment.” Ne. Md. Waste Disposal Auth. v. EPA, 358 F.3d
936, 953 (D.C. Cir. 2004) (per curiam) (quoting Sierra Club v.
Costle, 657 F.2d 298, 353 (D.C. Cir. 1981)). But an agency
cannot “pull a surprise switcheroo” on interested parties. Env’t
Integrity Project v. EPA, 425 F.3d 992, 996 (D.C. Cir. 2005).
We have long looked to what a party can reasonably anticipate
“in light of the initial notice” as a guidepost. Covad Commc’ns
Co. v. FCC, 450 F.3d 528, 548 (D.C. Cir. 2006) (citing Small
Refiner Lead Phase–Down Task Force v. EPA, 705 F.2d 506,
548–49 (D.C. Cir. 1983)).
16
a. Commercial Ad Exemption
NAB argues that the final rule is not a logical outgrowth
of the Second NPRM. In its view, the 2021 Rule drew a crisp
line between leases and advertisements: The former were
covered but the latter were categorically not, unless specified
by the Commission. The Second NPRM informed the public
only that the Commission sought better ways to effectuate this
bright line. The Rule now includes “all advertising . . . unless
the Commission exempts it.” NAB Br. 34. This inversion of
the earlier provision, NAB contends, violates the APA. See,
e.g., Env’t Integrity Project, 425 F.3d at 998 (no logical
outgrowth if the agency “proposed [one] interpretation and
[then] adopt[ed] its inverse”). But the 2021 and 2024 Rules do
not flip the presumptive script. The definition of a covered
“lease” is identical in both rules. Instead, the FCC altered the
advertisement exception from a temporal metric to one rooted
in longstanding Commission regulation and statute. See 2024
Rule ¶ 46; 47 C.F.R. § 73.1212(f); 47 U.S.C. § 315. That is not
an inversion but a clarification.
Under the 2021 Rule, not all advertisements were exempt
from the foreign government entity disclosure requirement.
Only traditional, short-form advertisements were excluded.
The broadcast industry itself recognized that this cutoff had no
regulatory definition or industry usage. See Second NPRM, 37
FCC Rcd. at 12009 ¶ 11. The FCC then adopted a new metric
to define the advertisement exception, one with a pedigree
familiar to the regulated industry: The Commercial Ad
Exemption to the Communication Act’s disclosure
requirement. See 47 C.F.R. § 73.1212(f).
The Second NPRM noted that the industry affiliates’
original petition for clarification “resulted in just two responses
from commenters,” both of which requested that the
17
Commission “clarify that all forms of advertising for
commercial goods and services are not subject to the foreign
sponsorship rules.” Second NPRM, 37 FCC Rcd. at 12009
¶ 11. In other words, the only public commentary on the
affiliates’ request for clarification drew the same line the
Commission ultimately adopted. And after the Commission
issued its Second NPRM, numerous commenters again raised
the Commercial Ad Exemption as a familiar differentiation to
define the 2024 Rule’s advertising exclusion.6 NAB cannot
credibly claim, then, that it lacked fair notice that the
Commercial Ad Exception was under consideration.
Nor can NAB claim surprise that the Commission went
beyond the “length” of an advertisement to determine its
exempt status. In no uncertain terms, the Second NPRM stated
that the Commission would look for “key characteristics” to
distinguish leases from ads, including “duration, content,
editorial control or differences in the nature of the contractual
relationship.” Second NPRM, 37 FCC Rcd. at 12018–19 ¶ 32
(emphasis added). Thus, the content of an advertisement was
an express basis on which the Commission could exempt it.
And one possible—indeed, from the comments, likely—
content-based distinction was advertising for commercial
goods or services.
6
See Gray Television Licensee, LLC, Comments at 11, MB
Dkt. No. 20-299 (Jan. 9, 2023); Audacy, Inc. and Beasley Media
Grp., Inc., Reply Comments at 7, MB Dkt. No. 20-299 (Jan. 24,
2023); Alpha Media USA LLC, et al., Reply Comments at 7, MB
Dkt. No., 20-299 (Jan. 24, 2023) (fifteen commenters asking that the
FCC “confirm that [] paid programming that advertises commercial
products or services—regardless of length . . . fall[s] outside the
scope of the FSID rules”).
18
b. Political-Candidate-Ad Exemption
NAB finds no greater purchase in its objection to the
political-candidate-advertising exemption. Again, the
Commission made plain that it could look to content in defining
the lease-advertisement divide. And after the close of the
period for public comments, NAB filed a letter with the
Commission requesting an exemption for “political advertising
in the form of candidate and/or issue ads, [and] paid . . . PSAs,”
which NAB noted were subject to preexisting regulations.
NAB Notice of Ex Parte Communication at 5, MB Dkt. No. 20-
299 (Mar. 11, 2024). The Commission’s final rule was
responsive to NAB’s request.
The FCC closed the comment period on December 19,
2022, and closed the reply comment period on January 3, 2023.
Sponsorship Identification Requirements for Foreign
Government-Provided Programming, 87 Fed. Reg. 68,960
(Nov. 17, 2022). After reviewing the comments, the FCC
privately elected to replace the “traditional, short form
advertising” exemption with the Commercial Ad Exemption
and the Commission Chair circulated to the other
commissioners a private draft to that effect. After the draft’s
circulation, on March 7, 2024, the Office of Commissioner
Geoffrey Starks held a closed meeting with NAB and other
industry affiliates. This was followed by a March 19 meeting
with the Office of Commissioner Anna Gomez, an April 23
telephone call with the Office of Commissioner Gomez, an
April 24 telephone call with then-Commissioner Brendan Carr
and two May 2 meetings with Commissioner Gomez and her
chief of staff and Commissioner Carr and his legal adviser,
respectively. All of these communications were private.
Throughout this period, the public was not privy to the
Commission’s draft rule or its revisions to the 2021 Rule. But
19
NAB was. As early as March 11, NAB indicated its knowledge
of how the Commission was shaping the scope of the new rule.
And after each of the meetings recounted above, NAB sent an
ex parte letter to the Commission in which it (i) made clear that
it was aware how the FCC was planning to redefine the ad
exemption; (ii) conveyed its opposition to the proposed
change; and (iii) lobbied for favorable revisions to the tentative
rule. Among the changes NAB sought were exemptions for
candidate ads, issue ads and paid PSAs.
Then, on May 17, NAB sent a letter to the Commission in
which it disclosed that it was aware that the Commission had
added a new exemption for candidate sponsored ads. In fact,
NAB went on to state that it was aware that the new draft rule
already had “three votes registered in favor of approving it.”
JA267 n.1. At oral argument, NAB’s counsel conceded that it
had information “nobody else did” and suggested that its
actions were standard operating procedure. Oral Arg. Tr. 9:4-
9:19. NAB does not specify how it obtained its information,
claiming only that it was “hearing whispers” and that “rumors
of the proposed change began to swirl.” NAB Br. 31 & n.7.
The Commission says almost nothing about this sequence of
events beyond acknowledging receipt of NAB’s
correspondence. FCC Br. 38. Yet the overwhelming inference
from the record is that one or more members of the
Commission leaked nonpublic details of the rulemaking as it
transpired, taking the notion of “industry capture” to a new low.
Indeed, the very genesis for the candidate ad exemption
that NAB now bemoans appears to stem from its private
communications with the Commission. In explaining why the
FCC should exempt all ads, NAB stated:
The Commission must ensure that it does not
inadvertently treat material such as political
20
advertising in the form of candidate and/or issue
ads, paid public service announcements (PSAs),
or any other form of advertising as leases.
Political advertising is governed by its own
complex statutory and regulatory system. An
overlay of new diligence and disclosure rules on
top of the existing political broadcasting regime
and/or the treatment of PSAs or any advertising
as “leases” would be beyond the scope of the
Notice in this proceeding and otherwise violate
the Administrative Procedure Act, the First
Amendment, and the Commission’s statutory
authority.
JA227. In response to NAB’s lobbying, the Commission
granted a partial accommodation: It agreed that, with respect
to candidate political ads, the existing regulatory regime
addressed the FCC’s concerns and the 2024 Rule would thus
create needless paperwork. But as to non-candidate political
ads and issue PSAs, the Commission indicated that other
disclosure rules did not address fully its foreign governmental
sponsorship concerns and so those categories would remain
subject to the Rule. 2024 Rule ¶¶ 46–47.
We do not suggest that private notice could cure a logical
outgrowth problem, particularly when such notice was given
after the close of the notice and comment period. But even
without regard to NAB’s role in creating the fair notice
problem it now attacks, the Rule withstands muster. Consistent
with the “flexibl[e]” approach embodied in the APA, the
Commission need not “provide a new round of notice and
comment” simply because it “modifies a proposed rule” in
response to a commenter’s suggestion. Fertilizer Inst. v. EPA,
935 F.2d 1303, 1311 (D.C. Cir. 1991). NAB at least “should
have anticipated” that the Commission might alter the 2024
21
Rule in response to NAB’s own proposal. Ne. Md. Waste
Disposal Auth., 358 F.3d at 952 (quotations omitted); cf. Great
Lakes Commc’n Corp. v. FCC, 3 F.4th 470, 478 (D.C. Cir.
2021) (explaining that the FCC may properly “accept[ a] last-
minute proposal from [a commenter]—too late for adverse
comment”).
NAB attempts to resist this conclusion with a smattering
of logical-outgrowth cases that, it claims, are analogous to the
circumstances here.7 All are plainly distinguishable. Each
holds that an agency that proposes one specific course of
conduct but then adopts another fails the logical-outgrowth
test. That is materially distinct from the situation here, where
the agency sought public input on a menu of possible options.
The APA contemplates that more open-ended approach. See 5
U.S.C. § 553(b) (requiring notice of “either the terms or
substance of the proposed rule or a description of the subjects
and issues involved”) (emphasis added); Air Transp. Ass’n of
Am. v. Civil Aeronautics Bd., 732 F.2d 219, 224 (D.C. Cir.
1984) (holding that an outline of the methods to be used and
the type of agency actions proposed satisfies notice and
comment); cf. Costle, 657 F.2d at 352 (explaining that agencies
7
See NAB Br. 32–33 (citing CSX Transp., Inc. v. Surface
Transp. Bd., 584 F.3d 1076, 1080–82 (D.C. Cir. 2009) (agency rule
benchmarking data from four-year samples not a logical outgrowth
of a rule proposing one-year samples); Nat’l Lifeline Ass’n v. FCC,
921 F.3d 1102, 1116 (D.C. Cir. 2019) (no logical outgrowth when
the agency’s initial proposal covered towns or cities with populations
over 10,000 and the final rule necessarily encompassed “some small
towns of significantly less than . . . even 10,000 people [] despite
contrary terms in the proposed rule”); Int’l Union, United Mine
Workers of Am. v. Mine Safety & Health Admin., 407 F.3d 1250,
1259–61 (D.C. Cir. 2005) (final rule adopting a maximum air
velocity cap not a logical outgrowth of proposed rule whose
preamble stated it was not setting a maximum cap)).
22
are not required “to select a final rule from among the precise
proposals under consideration during the comment period”).
Accordingly, we conclude that the 2024 Rule is a logical
outgrowth of the Second NPRM and that the FCC complied
with the APA’s notice-and-comment procedures.
2. Arbitrary-and-Capricious Review
Agency action must satisfy the APA’s arbitrary-and-
capricious standard. See 5 U.S.C. § 706(a)(2)(A). That
standard requires the Commission to consider the relevant
information and draw “a rational connection between the facts
found and the choice made.” State Farm Mut. Auto Ins., 463
U.S. at 43 (quotation omitted). NAB makes three arguments
that, it says, support its position that the 2024 Rule fails
arbitrary and capricious review. Each fails to hit its mark.
First, NAB claims that the FCC arbitrarily redefined the
meaning of lease without giving notice of or acknowledging its
alteration. We disagree. The 2024 Rule incorporates precisely
the same definition of “lease” used in the 2021 Rule. Instead,
the Commission redefined the advertising exception to the
Rule. We do not ordinarily define changes to a rule by changes
to its exceptions. See Dan’s City Used Cars, Inc. v. Pelkey,
569 U.S. 251, 264 (2013) (“Exceptions to a general rule . . . do
not in themselves delineate the scope of the rule”); Akanthos
Cap. Mgmt., LLC v. CompuCredit Holdings Corp., 677 F.3d
1286, 1293 n.7 (11th Cir. 2012) (same). Regarding the ad
exception, the Commission gave express notice that it intended
to alter the exception. See Second NPRM, 37 FCC Rcd. at
12038–39 ¶ 24 (informing the public that the FCC was looking
for new “criteria . . . to distinguish between advertising and . . .
lease[s]”).
23
In a similar vein, NAB contends that, because the FCC’s
new policy “contradict[s] . . . its prior policy,” the FCC must
“provide ‘a more detailed justification than what would suffice
. . . on a blank slate.’” NAB Br. 36 (quoting FCC v. Fox
Television Stations, Inc., 556 U.S. 502, 515 (2009)). Again, we
disagree. The Commission did not contradict its 2021 Rule; it
doubled down on it. The Commission simply refined the
parameters of an exempted advertisement. For that policy
departure, the Commission emphatically “display[ed]
awareness that it [was] changing position.” Fox Television
Stations, 556 U.S. at 515. And it provided “good reasons for
the new policy.” Id. As the Commission explained,
broadcasters could not rely on a nebulous temporal cutoff to
mark the lease-advertisement divide so it turned to a more
precise—and familiar—definition: The Commercial Ad
Exception. 2024 Rule ¶ 42. As to political and issue ads, the
Commission offered several reasons to justify its policy,
including the efficacy of existing regulations and heightened
congressional concern with issue ads. Id. ¶¶ 46–47. The
Commission “need not demonstrate to a court’s satisfaction
that the reasons for the new policy are better than the reasons
for the old one; it suffices that . . . the agency believes it to be
better.” Fox Television Stations, 556 U.S. at 515.
Second, NAB asserts that the 2024 Rule fails section 706
review because “there is not an iota of evidence that any foreign
governmental entity ever purchased political ads or paid for
PSAs.” NAB Br. 38. In other words, it asserts that we should
treat the absence of evidence as evidence of absence. We have
never taken such a cabined view of the FCC’s regulatory
authority. Instead, we have made plain that the Commission
“need not wait for a risk to materialize before” regulating.
China Telecom (Americas) Corp. v. FCC, 57 F.4th 256, 266
(D.C. Cir. 2022); accord Chamber of Com. of U.S. v. SEC, 412
F.3d 133, 141 (D.C. Cir. 2005) (recognizing an agency’s
24
authority to take “precautionary or prophylactic responses to
perceived risks”) (quotation omitted). The lack of a robust
evidentiary record is just as readily attributable to “limitations
on [the FCC’s] ability to monitor” this corner of the broadcast
market as it is to a dearth of foreign governmental entity
spending. TikTok Inc. v. Garland, 122 F.4th 930, 960 (D.C.
Cir. 2024). Deference to the Commission’s risk assessment
aligns with the Congress’s concern about foreign governments
using U.S. airwaves and the executive branch’s institutional
competence to assess national security risks. See Ctr. for Nat.
Sec. Stud. v. DOJ, 331 F.3d 918, 932 (D.C. Cir. 2003); Trump
v. Hawaii, 585 U.S. 667, 704 (2018) (noting the “constrained”
nature of judicial “inquiry into matters of . . . national
security”). NAB offers no basis to disturb the well-settled
respect we accord to the political branches’ national security
judgments.
Third, NAB challenges the FCC’s rationale for
differentiating between candidate and non-candidate political
ads. As it notes, federal law prohibits foreign nationals from
making direct (to the candidate) or indirect (to third parties)
expenditures in support of a candidate yet the Commission
regulated the latter but not the former. That is unsurprising.
Only the former are subject to personal disclosure requirements
that require a candidate to certify that he or his committee has
paid for an approved ad. See 47 U.S.C. § 315(b)(2)(C)–(D).
NAB attempts to resist this critical difference by noting
that § 315 applies to only a subset of candidates for public
office: Federal office seekers subject to a preferred advertising
rate. That could be a valid policy consideration for the agency
but it is no basis for judicial intervention. Under the APA’s
“deferential” standard of review, “a court may not substitute its
own policy judgment for that of the agency.” FCC v.
Prometheus Radio Project, 592 U.S. 414, 423 (2021). The
25
Commission considered the problem, came to a reasonable
conclusion and explained the bases for its distinctions. The
APA requires no more and thus we require no more. See Perez
v. Mortgate Bankers Assn., 575 U.S. 92, 102 (2015) (warning
courts not to impose “judge-made procedur[es]” on agencies).
3. First Amendment Compliance
Finally, NAB argues that the Commission’s criteria for
policing the lease-advertisement divide violates the First
Amendment. Although the foreign sponsorship disclosure rule
implicates the First Amendment, we conclude that it readily
passes constitutional muster.
From its inception, broadcast has been full of speech
restrictions that are unseen and constitutionally unaccepted in
other media forums. See Douglas H. Ginsburg, Regulation of
Broadcasting 419–20 (1979). With the 1912 Radio Act, the
Congress assumed public ownership of the national airwaves
and, in turn, broadcasting became a public benefit, not a private
right. See John Harrison, Public Rights, Private Privileges,
and Article III, 54 Ga. L. Rev. 143, 181–82 (2019). Public
ownership, in the Congress’s judgment, was necessitated by the
limited radio—and later, television—spectrum. See FCC v.
Pottsville Broad. Co., 309 U.S. 134, 138 n.2 (1940).
These two factors—public ownership and resource
scarcity—led the Supreme Court to uphold government
restrictions (via licenses) on who may broadcast and the
conditions under which they may do so. See NBC, Inc., 319
U.S. at 227. As the Court put it, “broadcasting is clearly a
medium affected by a First Amendment interest” but its
“differen[t] . . . characteristics” require “differences in the First
Amendment standards applied to” it. Red Lion Broad. Co. v.
FCC, 395 U.S. 367, 386 (1969). In particular, the Court
subordinated “the right of the broadcasters” to “the right of the
26
viewers and listeners,” id. at 390, to “receiv[e] a balanced
presentation of views on diverse matters of public concern,”
FCC v. League of Women Voters of Cal., 468 U.S. 364, 380
(1984). In some respects, broadcast’s character gives the FCC
a wider regulatory berth than might otherwise be accorded the
government.
In other respects, however, the FCC’s ambit is far more
constrained. The Commission “works in the shadow of the
First Amendment,” Fox Television Stations, 556 U.S. at 556
(Breyer, J., dissenting), and must therefore walk a “tightrope”
to avoid violating the Constitution, “a task of . . . great delicacy
and difficulty.” CBS, Inc. v. Democratic Nat’l Comm., 412
U.S. 94, 102, 117 (1973); accord Banzhaf v. FCC, 405 F.2d
1082, 1095–96 (D.C. Cir. 1968) (raising a similar point);
Commission Programming Inquiry, 44 FCC 2303, 2313 (1960)
(Report and Statement of Policy) (en banc) (explaining that the
Commission balances “the public interest in station operation,
on the one hand, and the prohibition laid on it by the First
Amendment . . . on the other”). The Commission has
emphasized that “it is not the national arbiter of the truth,”
Complaints Covering CBS Program “Hunger in America,” 20
FCC 2d 143, 151 (1969), and the Congress by statute has
stripped it of any authority to “interfere with the right of free
speech by means of radio communications.” 47 U.S.C. § 326.
As described infra, this history informs the scope of our
analysis.
a. Text
We begin our constitutional analysis, as we must, with the
text of the First Amendment. The text is read according to its
original meaning at the time of enactment and against the
backdrop of its “original history,” which can “elucidate[] how
contemporaries understood the text.” United States v. Rahimi,
27
602 U.S. 680, 738–39 (2024) (Barrett, J., concurring). The
First Amendment provides that “Congress shall make no law
. . . abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.” U.S.
Const. amend. I.
The text’s reference to “the freedom”—a freedom that is
nowhere else defined—reflects that the Constitution codified a
preexisting legal right. The Free Press Clause
constitutionalized at least the common-law rule against
enjoining a publisher from disseminating its material pre-
publication, constituting a prior restraint. See 4 William
Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England *150–53;
4 Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the
United States § 1880; cf. James Madison, Report of 1800 (Jan.
7, 1800), in Founders Online, [https://perma.cc/2D3N-N64Z]
(arguing that Press Clause also prohibits “penalties on printed
publications” based on the structural considerations). This
protection applies with equal force to the technological heirs of
the printing press: Broadcast, the Internet and other modes of
mass communication. See District of Columbia v. Heller, 554
U.S. 570, 582 (2008).
The contours of the Free Speech Clause are far more
contested. At its core, however, the Clause likely shields
political discourse necessary for our republican form of
government. An early draft of the text protected the people’s
“right to speak, to write, or to publish their sentiments.”
Madison Resolution (June 8, 1789), in Founders Online,
[https://perma.cc/9CFH-X4F7]. The Founding-era public
“widely embraced the idea that the government could not
prohibit well-intentioned statements of one’s thoughts.” Judd
Campbell, Natural Rights and the First Amendment, 127 Yale
L.J. 246, 280 (2017). And the first grand test of the First
Amendment—the Sedition Act—involved an ill-fated attempt
to stifle criticism against the President and the Congress. Act
28
of July 14, 1798, ch. 74, 1 Stat. 596. The ensuing public
backlash swept President Adams from office and the Federalist
party from the Congress and resulted in pardons and
remittances for all charged under the Act.
Above all, then, the communication of political thought
lies at the heart of the First Amendment. Modern precedent
confirms as much. See Stromberg v. California, 283 U.S. 359,
369 (1931) (“The maintenance of the opportunity for free
political discussion to the end that government may be
responsive to the will of the people . . . is a fundamental
principle of our constitutional system”); New York Times Co.
v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 270 (1964) (the First Amendment
guarantees “uninhibited, robust, and wide-open” discussion of
public issues).8
b. Content-Based Versus Content-Neutral Regulation
To effectuate the First Amendment’s free-speech
guarantee, the Supreme Court “distinguish[es] between
content-based and content-neutral regulations of speech.”
Nat’l Inst. of Fam. and Life Advocs. v. Becerra (NIFLA), 585
U.S. 755, 766 (2018). A regulation is content-based if it
“target[s] speech based on its communicative content,” i.e., the
regulation applies only “because of the topic discussed or the
idea or message expressed.” Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S.
155, 163 (2015). Even a facially neutral regulation is content-
based if it “cannot be justified without reference to the content
of the regulated speech or . . . w[as] adopted by the government
because of disagreement with the message the speech
conveys.” Id. at 164 (citation modified).
8
As explained infra, this insight can help color the appropriate
level of scrutiny for disclosure laws that implicate (or not) political
speech.
29
NAB claims that the 2024 Rule is saddled with content-
based speech distinctions and thus triggers strict scrutiny. The
Commission disputes that its regulations hinge on content but
argues that, even if they do, strict scrutiny is unsuitable here
given broadcast’s unique First Amendment strictures.
The 2024 Rule applies to any lease of airtime, which the
Commission defines as “a discrete block of broadcast time on
[a broadcaster’s] station available to be programmed by
another party in return for some form of compensation.” 2024
Rule ¶ 48. The Commission crafted two exemptions to the
foreign sponsorship disclosure rule: (i) ads for commercial
goods and services and (ii) political-candidate ads. 2024 Rule
¶¶ 42, 46. But it declined to add a third exemption for paid
PSAs and issue ads. As a result, a non-candidate political ad is
subject to the 2024 Rule, yet the same message is exempt if run
by a candidate for public office. The Rule plainly turns on the
content of speech: An advertisement is regulated, or not, based
on the identity of the speaker and the content of his message.9
See Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 564 U.S. 552, 567 (2011);
Police Dep’t of Chi. v. Mosley, 408 U.S. 92, 94–95 (1972)
(finding a general ban on picketing content-based because it
excluded labor picketing).
The Commission offers a fainthearted defense that the
exemptions should not trigger heightened scrutiny. But if a
rule’s exemptions “are based on content, the restriction itself is
based on content.” Nat’l Advert. Co. v. City of Orange, 861
F.2d 246, 249 (9th Cir. 1988) (citing Metromedia, Inc. v. City
of San Diego, 453 U.S. 490, 520 (1981)); accord Barr v. Am.
9
NAB does not challenge the constitutionality of the
Commercial Ad Exemption. Nor does it argue that the Rule
impermissibly compels broadcaster speech. Our inquiry is thus
limited to whether the political-candidate exception makes an
impermissible content-based distinction.
30
Ass’n of Pol. Consultants, Inc., 591 U.S. 610, 619–20 (2020)
(plurality op.) (concluding that a prohibition on robocalls was
content based due to an exception for robocalls collecting
government-held debts); City of Cincinnati v. Discovery
Network, Inc., 507 U.S. 410, 428–29 (1993) (holding that a
newspaper exception to a general prohibition on commercial
handbills turned a regulation into a content-based restriction).
Were we to consider a rule in a vacuum—divorced from
its exemptions—the government might be able to pick and
choose winners in the marketplace of ideas. But see R.A.V. v.
City of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377, 386 (1992) (“The government
may not regulate . . . based on hostility—or favoritism—
towards the underlying message expressed”) (emphasis added).
It is no answer, as the FCC urges, that the political-candidate
exemption is rooted in a desire to reduce regulatory burdens.
“[A]n innocuous justification cannot transform a facially
content-based law into one that is content neutral.” Reed, 576
U.S. at 166.
c. Appropriate Level of Scrutiny
Ordinarily, content-based speech distinctions must survive
strict scrutiny. Id. at 171. The Commission argues that we
should instead apply a “middle ground” of scrutiny between
rational basis and intermediate scrutiny. FCC Br. 49 (quoting
Ruggiero v. FCC, 317 F.3d 239, 245 (D.C. Cir. 2003) (en
banc)); see also News Am. Pub., Inc. v. FCC, 844 F.2d 800
(D.C. Cir. 1988). Its cited caselaw is distinguishable.
In Ruggiero, this Court upheld an FCC ban on low-power
radio station licenses for “anyone who engaged in the
unlicensed operation of any [broadcast] station.” 317 F.3d at
241 (citation modified). We explained that rational basis
review applies “to the indirect effect upon speech that may
attend ‘structural’ regulation of the broadcast industry,” such
31
as limitations on cross-ownership of broadcast and print media
within the same community. Id. at 244–45. Yet rational basis
was too forgiving a standard for the FCC regulation at issue
there, which foreclosed a “would-be speaker’s []ability to
broadcast.” Id. at 245. Even so, intermediate scrutiny was too
rigorous because “the qualification [was] triggered solely by
the applicant’s conduct” and applied “without regard to any
content.” Id. at 244 (emphasis added). We therefore applied a
“middle ground” approach between the two standards of
review. Id. at 245. Because the 2024 Rule is content-based,
Ruggiero does not control.
The Commission’s other authority is further afield. In
News America Publishing, our Court reviewed a rider in an
appropriations bill that targeted the ownership structure of a
single broadcaster. 844 F.2d at 802. We held that something
more than “minimum rationality” was required but we did not
decide what standard applied because the proviso failed under
any standard. Id. at 814. Moreover, that statute, like the
regulation in Ruggiero, did not draw content-based
distinctions. The Commission points us to no other authority
that supports its “middle ground” approach.
But a content-based restriction does not mechanically
subject the Rule to the strict scrutiny standard of review. The
Supreme Court has “identified numerous situations in which
th[e] risk” of content-based distinctions “is inconsequential, so
that strict scrutiny is unwarranted.” Davenport v. Wash. Educ.
Ass’n, 551 U.S. 177, 188 (2007). As relevant here, a
longstanding regulation of a communications medium can
inform our analysis of the appropriate level of scrutiny. See
City of Austin v. Reagan Nat’l Advert. of Austin, LLC, 596 U.S.
61, 75 (2022); NIFLA, 585 U.S. at 767 (allowing for content-
based speech restriction if there is “persuasive evidence of a
long (if heretofore unrecognized) tradition to that effect”)
32
(citation modified). From the industry’s earliest days, the
government has used a heavy regulatory hand on broadcast
communications—one that “necessarily” implicates “First
Amendment principles.” CBS, Inc., 412 U.S. at 122. Yet
broadcast content itself has “never” automatically triggered
heightened scrutiny. League of Women Voters, 468 U.S. at
376. 10
Rather, the “different nature of the broadcasting industry”
can sometimes “justify forms of content-based regulation” that
would be impermissible in other contexts. Leflore Broad. Co.
v. FCC, 636 F.2d 454, 457 (D.C. Cir. 1980) (citation modified).
Because broadcasters “serve in a sense as fiduciaries for the
public,” they “operate[] under restraints not imposed upon
other media.” League of Women Voters, 468 U.S. at 377, 380.
League of Women Voters itself noted that the Supreme Court
“ha[s] never gone so far as to demand that [broadcast]
regulations serve ‘compelling’ governmental interests” before
applying intermediate scrutiny to a “ban . . . defined solely on
10
Some courts have treated historical tradition as dispositive in
constitutional adjudication. But history simpliciter does not control
the meaning or application of the fixed Constitution. A regulatory
tradition that traces its lineage to the Founding (or near thereto) can
inform how contemporaries understood the original public meaning
of the Constitution and thus affect our interpretation, see Brown v.
Ent. Merch. Ass’n, 564 U.S. 786, 791 (2011), but history that long
postdates enactment of the Constitution has a far more limited ambit.
If text does not fully provide the answer when applied to a new
medium, courts may consider a longstanding, unbroken practice of
the political branches “because they embody a constitutional
judgment—made by generations of legislators and by the American
people as whole—that commands our respect.” Free Speech Coal.,
Inc. v. Paxton, 145 S. Ct. 2291, 2316 (2025); see also Field v. Clark,
143 U.S. 649, 691 (1892) (same). It is in this more limited sense that
we take account of the unbroken history of content-based broadcast
regulations.
33
the basis of the content of the suppressed speech.” Id. at 376,
383.11
Two historic pillars have traditionally buttressed some
forms of content-based broadcast regulations. The first is
spectrum scarcity. See id. at 377. Because of broadcast’s
limited bandwidth, the government has restricted access and,
in the process, engaged in forms of content-based regulation.
The second is the nature of the medium. The Commission
administers a commons—the national airwaves—over which
broadcasters are granted a public benefit subject to greater
regulatory control. See 47 U.S.C. §§ 301, 304. The
government often conditions licenses and other public benefits
on a recipient’s waiver of the right to a judicial forum or—as
relevant here—the recipient’s agreement to public
disclosures.12
11
This Court, sitting en banc, applied strict scrutiny to a content-
based regulation of broadcasters’ speech in a pre-League of Women
Voters decision. See Cmty.-Serv. Broad. of Mid-Am., Inc. v. FCC,
593 F.2d 1102, 1111–112 (D.C. Cir. 1978) (en banc). Still, League
of Women Voters did not squarely repudiate our approach nor did it
hold that strict scrutiny should never apply to content-based
broadcast regulations. Moreover, recent Supreme Court precedent
has drawn a sharper line for content-based restrictions. The decision
thus does not squarely control the appropriate level of scrutiny here.
12
See, e.g., 29 U.S.C. § 1401 (agreement to arbitrate); 49 U.S.C.
§ 14708 (same); 15 U.S.C. §§ 77e(c), 78m (requiring an SEC license
in order to be listed as a publicly licensed company and conditioning
approval on quarterly and annual disclosures); id. § 80b-4
(conditioning investment adviser licenses on public disclosures);
Thomas v. Union Carbide Agric. Prods. Co., 473 U.S. 568, 592
(1985) (upholding scheme requiring a registrant to “explicitly
consent[] to have his rights determined by arbitration”); Mallory v.
Norfolk Southern Railway Co., 600 U.S. 122, 125–26 (2023)
34
Of course, that does not mean the government can ignore
constitutional rights in its allotment of licenses. At the
extreme, licenses could be wielded to “impose invidious
discrimination on disfavored subjects.” NIFLA, 585 U.S. at
773 (citation modified). But the Supreme Court has recognized
that—in conferring public benefits—the government has
significant regulatory leeway to impose speech restrictions that
might otherwise be forbidden as a direct regulation of private
conduct. See, e.g., Rust v. Sullivan, 500 U.S. 173, 192–200
(1991); United States v. Am. Libr. Ass’n, Inc., 539 U.S. 194,
204–07 (2003) (plurality op.); Garcetti v. Ceballos, 547 U.S.
410, 417–26 (2006). That consideration is particularly strong
here, where the Commission grants limited access to a public
resource and where the challenged First Amendment conduct
is simply public disclosure. The law has long recognized
that—in regulating a licensed industry—the state may
permissibly seek to combat “ignorance . . . deception and
fraud” on the public. Dent v. West Virginia, 129 U.S. 114, 122
(1889). Disclosure of a foreign governmental entity’s
otherwise undisclosed involvement in a public broadcast fits
within that tradition and counsels against application of strict
scrutiny.
Strict scrutiny also matches up poorly with the reason for
the Rule’s promulgation. The “rationale of [strict scrutiny] is
that content discrimination ‘raises the specter that the
Government may effectively drive certain ideas or viewpoints
from the marketplace of ideas.’” Davenport, 551 U.S. at 188
(quoting R.A.V., 505 U.S. at 387). When “that risk is
inconsequential . . . strict scrutiny is unwarranted.” Id. The
threat is wholly absent here. The FCC is not attempting to
regulate the content of programming, see Anti-Defamation
(upholding a state’s conditional license to do business within its
borders on a company’s submission to general personal jurisdiction).
35
League of B’nai B’rith v. FCC, 403 F.2d 169, 172 (D.C. Cir.
1968), nor does its Rule “carr[y] the seeds of the general
authority to censor . . . .” Banzhaf, 405 F.2d at 1095. Instead,
the differential treatment between candidate and non-candidate
speakers is “‘justified by [a] special characteristic of’ the
particular [speaker]”—namely, candidates for office are
subject to preexisting disclosure requirements that non-
candidates are not. Turner I, 512 U.S. at 660–61 (quoting
Minneapolis Star & Trib. Co. v. Minn. Comm’r of Revenue,
460 U.S. 575, 585 (1983)).
Insofar as there is any diminution in speech, see NAB Br.
49 (warning that the Rule “will squelch speech”), it is more of
an “incidental burden” of the Rule than a result of the
Commission’s attempt to suppress speech. See Turner I, 512
U.S. at 642, 662 (explaining that intermediate scrutiny is
appropriate if regulations “pose a less substantial risk of
excising certain ideas or viewpoints from the public
dialogue.”). The 2024 Rule is a disclosure requirement—not a
speech restriction. The former is routinely subject to lesser
scrutiny. See, e.g., NIFLA, 585 U.S. at 768 (explaining that the
Supreme Court has routinely “applied a lower level of scrutiny
to laws that compel disclosures in certain contexts,” including
those “limited to purely factual and uncontroversial
information”) (quotations omitted); Dwyer v. Cappell, 762
F.3d 275, 281 (3d Cir. 2014) (“disclosure requirements receive
less rigorous scrutiny than restrictions on speech”).
In sum, the history of broadcast regulation, coupled with
both the objective and the effect of the Commission’s content-
based distinction, indicate that strict scrutiny is an improper fit
for the Rule.
Two other tiers of scrutiny are potentially applicable.
Following League of Women Voters, intermediate scrutiny may
36
be the correct lens through which to assess the 2024 Rule.
Alternatively, the Supreme Court has sometimes applied
“exacting scrutiny” to compulsory disclosure laws, a tier of
scrutiny that lies between the more familiar intermediate and
strict scrutiny. See Citizens United v. FEC, 538 U.S. 310, 366
(2010); Americans for Prosperity Found. v. Bonta, 594 U.S.
595, 608 (2021).
There are reasons to doubt whether exacting scrutiny is
proper here. First, exacting scrutiny often applies to laws that
implicate political speech or that carry the risk of the
government impermissibly targeting members of a disfavored
domestic association. See Americans for Prosperity Found.,
594 U.S. at 607–08. As explained supra II.A.3.a., such
concerns lie at the heart of the Free Speech Clause. The 2024
Rule applies only if the speaker is a foreign governmental
entity and requires no more than disclosure of that fact.
Second, NAB does not challenge the 2024 Rule as an
impermissible compelled disclosure. It argues only that the
political-candidate-ad exception makes the Rule content-
based, thereby triggering strict scrutiny. Third, as explained,
the Supreme Court has repeatedly treated broadcast regulation
as subject to “unique considerations” that do not follow “the
same approach that [the Court] ha[s] applied to other media.”
League of Women Voters, 468 U.S. at 376. On the other hand,
League of Women Voters was decided before the Court had
fully crystalized its content-based precedents. And Americans
for Prosperity Foundation signaled a more bright-line rule for
scrutinizing compelled disclosure requirements. But we need
not resolve which of these two tiers applies today. Because the
2024 Rule “passes muster even under the more demanding
standard,” we will assume without deciding that exacting
scrutiny applies. TikTok Inc., 122 F.4th at 948–49 (quotations
omitted).
37
d. Application of Exacting Scrutiny
Under exacting scrutiny, a regulation satisfies the First
Amendment if there is “a substantial relation between the
disclosure requirement and a sufficiently important
governmental interest,” and the disclosure requirement is
“narrowly tailored to the interest it promotes.” Americans for
Prosperity Found., 594 U.S. at 611 (cleaned up).
First, the Commission’s asserted interest is real. It cannot
justify its regulations based on “unsupported assertions,”
Ibanez v. Florida Dept. of Bus. & Prof. Reg., 512 U.S. 136, 143
(1994), or “anecdotal evidence and educated guesses.” Rubin
v. Coors Brewing Co., 514 U.S. 476, 490 (1995). But the
Commission has solid evidence of ongoing and threatened
manipulation of the U.S. airwaves remediable only by further
disclosure. NAB argues that the threat is illusory because “the
Commission cannot point to a single instance in which a
foreign governmental entity has engaged in undisclosed
political or public service advertising on broadcast.” NAB Br.
44, 46. That argument misapprehends the Commission’s Rule
as well as its supporting evidence. The Rule applies to all
leases of broadcast time. And the Commission pointed to
ample evidence of undisclosed foreign governmental
programming. See 2024 Order ¶ 1 n.2; 2021 Rule ¶ 1 n.1.
Granted, the Commission’s definition of “lease” includes
non-candidate political ads and paid PSAs. And true, the
Commission did not unearth evidence of covert foreign
influence as to those two categories of ads. But a regulation
need not be necessary in every conceivable application to be
valid.13 Creating carveouts for every type of broadcast lacking
13
See Carlton & Harris Chiropractic, Inc. v. PDR Network,
LLC, 883 F.3d 459, 467–68 (4th Cir. 2018) (upholding FCC rule that
“may be overinclusive” because “‘the mere fact that a regulation
38
evidence of foreign governmental interference would cripple
the efficacy of the Rule, which at its core aims to unearth
“undisclosed” foreign governmental sponsorship. 2024 Order
¶ 37; see TikTok Inc., 122 F.4th at 960 (rejecting the argument
that the government’s concerns regarding covert foreign
manipulation were too “speculative” absent “specific
[examples]” because it “may simply reflect limitations on its
ability to monitor”).
Second, the Commission’s interest is significant. Our
nation’s history is replete with concerns over foreign
interference in domestic affairs. In his Farewell Address,
President Washington warned the country against the
“insidious wiles of foreign influence,” which “mislead public
opinion” and pose “one of the most baneful foes of Republican
Government.” George Washington, Farewell Address to the
People of the United States (Sept. 19, 1796). In his First
Annual Message to Congress, President Grant sounded the
alarm over foreign control of submarine telegraphy cables,
which risked “subjecting all messages conveyed thereby to the
scrutiny and control of [a foreign] Government.” Ulysses S.
Grant, First Annual Message (Dec. 6, 1869),
[https://perma.cc/VU5H-95YA]. And as recounted supra I.A.,
the Congress has evinced a “long-standing determination to
operates overbroadly does not render it invalid” (quoting Friedman
v. Heckler, 765 F.2d 383, 388 (2d Cir. 1985)), vacated and remanded
on other grounds, 588 U.S. 1 (2019); Members of City Council of
City of Los Angeles v. Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S. 789, 800
(1984) (“[T]he mere fact that one can conceive of some
impermissible applications of a statute is not sufficient to render it
susceptible to an overbreadth challenge”); cf. EPA v. EME Homer
City Generation, L.P., 572 U.S. 489, 524 (2014) (noting that “[t]he
possibility that [a] rule, in uncommon particular applications, might
exceed [an agency’s] statutory authority does not warrant judicial
condemnation of the rule in its entirety”).
39
safeguard the United States from foreign influence in
broadcasting.” Moving Phones P’ship, 998 F.2d at 1055
(internal quotations omitted).
In recent years, the threat has metastasized. For example,
an arm of the Chinese government masked its identity “through
a subsidiary to lease almost all of the airtime on a Washington,
D.C. area station and broadcast pro-Chinese government
programming . . . without disclosing the linkage to the Chinese
government.” 2021 Rule ¶ 1 n.1. As we recently underscored,
such efforts are part of a multifaceted campaign by the People’s
Republic of China to manipulate domestic public discourse and
undermine U.S. national security. TikTok Inc., 122 F.4th at
958. China is not alone in these endeavors. The Commission
also received information that Russia is paying middlemen to
broker U.S. airtime for Russian state-owned media. 2021 Rule
¶ 1 n.1. Such messages are meant to “influence activities in the
United States” to Russia’s advantage while hiding the source
of the message. 2024 Rule ¶ 1 n.2; 2021 Rule ¶ 1 n.1. And
those are just the known threats, as a critical facet of the threat
is its surreptitious nature.
Although we “do not defer to Government’s reading of the
First Amendment,” we do give credence to the Commission’s
assessment of the risks posed in areas of “national security and
foreign affairs.” Holder v. Humanitarian L. Project, 561 U.S.
1, 33–34 (2010). The record demonstrates that the issues that
animate its concerns are genuine. And the government’s
interest is at its zenith in combating adversary nations. See
Haig v. Agee, 453 U.S. 280, 307 (1981) (“[N]o governmental
interest is more compelling than the security of the Nation”);
The Federalist No. 23, at 163 (A. Hamilton) (Clinton Rossiter
ed., 1961) (“The principal purposes to be answered by union
are these—the common defense of the members; the
40
preservation of the public peace, as well against internal
convulsions as external attacks”).
Third, the regulation is appropriately tailored to meet the
government’s interest. The FCC did not use the threat of
foreign propaganda as a pretext to “control the flow of ideas to
the public.” Lamont v. Postmaster Gen., 381 U.S. 301, 306
(1965). Rather, the Commission took only a modest step:
Disclosing the messenger without trampling on the message.
Compulsory disclosure is, of course, not without cost in the
marketplace of ideas. Because the core of the First
Amendment protects “voluntary” speech, it “necessarily”
protects “a concomitant freedom not to speak.” Harper & Row
Publishers, Inc. v. Nation Enters., 471 U.S. 539, 559 (1985)
(citation modified); see also Riley v. Nat’l Fed. of the Blind of
N.C., Inc., 487 U.S. 781, 796–97 (1988) (explaining that the
First Amendment protects “both what to say and what not to
say”). Still, disclosure can also enhance First Amendment
principles by allowing “each person [to] decide for himself or
herself the ideas and beliefs deserving of expression,
consideration, and adherence.” Turner I, 512 U.S. at 641. The
Commission’s Rule here neatly removes the risk that a listener
will be deceived about the source of a broadcast without
saddling the broadcaster’s right to speak in the manner it
wishes.
The Supreme Court has repeatedly emphasized that
“disclosure” is the “less restrictive alternative” to combat
misleading speech. Citizens United, 558 U.S. at 369. The
Congress agrees. The Foreign Agents Registration Act—
which undergirds the regulatory framework of the 2024 Rule—
proves the point. Faced with “increased attempts by foreign
agents at the systematic manipulation of mass attitudes,” the
Congress “add[ed] requirements to keep our Government and
people informed of the nature, source, and extent of political
41
propaganda distributed.” Meese v. Keene, 481 U.S. 465, 487
(1987) (Blackmun, J., dissenting in part) (citation modified). It
was the Congress’s judgment that “a label of information of
foreign origin” would not “in any way impair [First
Amendment] rights” but would simply ensure that the body
politic “not be deceived by the belief that [] information comes
from a disinterested source.” Id. at 480 n.15. So too here.
The 2024 Rule imposes minimal burdens on broadcasters.
In complying with the Rule, they need not “betray[] their
convictions” or “endorse ideas they find objectionable.” Janus
v. Am. Fed’n of State, Cnty., & Mun. Emps., Council 31, 585
U.S. 878, 893 (2018). Instead, they must share no more than
the identity of the speaker whose message they are
disseminating. And a broadcaster satisfies its obligations by
electing to do one of two minimally invasive procedures. It can
fill out a single-page form attesting to its compliance and ask
its lessees to do the same. Or it can ask a lessee to search its
name on the FARA and FCC websites and then provide a
screenshot of the results. In either event, the broadcaster is not
responsible for a lessee’s failure to comply.
Because the FCC has a bona fide and substantial interest
in combatting foreign governmental obfuscation, and because
the Rule is narrowly tailored to that end, it satisfies exacting
scrutiny.
B. Reasonable Diligence Requirements
We turn next to NAB’s challenge to the Rule’s reasonable
diligence requirements. NAB contends that these requirements
exceed the Commission’s authority under the Communications
Act. Recall, the 2024 Rule readopted the key pillars of the
2021 diligence requirements: A licensee must inform the
lessee of the foreign sponsorship disclosure rule and inquire
whether the lessee is a foreign governmental entity or knows of
42
any such entities involved in the production or distribution of
the programming. 47 C.F.R. § 73.1212(j)(3). In response to
NAB I, the 2024 Rule modified the acceptable forms of proof-
of-compliance (the corroboration requirement). Under the
certification option, a licensee may provide the Commission
with a standard-form certificate attesting to its compliance with
the regulations. Id. § 73.1212(j)(3)(iv)(A). Under the
screenshot option, a licensee may ask a lessee to search its own
name in the FARA database and provide a screenshot of the
results. Id. § 73.1212(j)(3)(iv)(B).
1. Corroboration Requirement
Section 317(c) requires a broadcaster to “exercise
reasonable diligence to obtain . . . information to enable” it to
make the required disclosures set forth in Commission
regulations. 47 U.S.C. § 317(c), (e). According to NAB, the
statute runs out once “the station obtains the necessary
information” and thus the broadcaster cannot be required to
check the veracity of any lessee’s representations. NAB Br.
51–52. In its view, this Court confirmed as much in NAB I,
when we explained that “§ 317(c) imposes a duty of inquiry,
not a duty of investigation . . . . It does not make broadcasters
responsible for the truth of the information they obtain.” 39
F.4th at 820.
Nothing in the Commission’s 2024 Rule is inconsistent
with NAB I. There, we explained that the plain text of § 317(c)
requires broadcasters to obtain information only “from [their]
employees and sponsors.” Id. at 819–20 (quoting 47 U.S.C.
§ 317(c)). So the Commission cannot compel a broadcaster to
conduct independent research on government websites. But it
can require the broadcaster to make inquiries “to the party that
pays it for the broadcast,” i.e., the lessee. Id. at 820 (quoting
Loveday v. FCC, 707 F.2d 1443, 1449 (D.C. Cir. 1983)). A
43
broadcaster’s duty of inquiry under the Rule is vis à vis its
lessees.
The Communications Act does not define what constitutes
“reasonable diligence” in obtaining information from a lessee;
instead, it leaves the metes and bounds of diligence to the
Commission’s rulemaking authority. See 47 U.S.C. § 317(e);
Loper Bright Enters., 603 U.S. at 394–95 (explaining that a
“statute’s meaning may well be that the agency is authorized to
exercise a degree of discretion,” including a statute that uses
terms “such as ‘reasonable’” or “empower[s] an agency to
prescribe rules to ‘fill up the details’”). The certification and
screenshot options are permissible exercises of that delegated
authority. Contrary to NAB’s argument, these options do not
put the burden on a broadcaster “to establish that the lessee was
not lying.” NAB Br. 52. The Commission could not have been
clearer. Nothing in the Rule “make[s] licensees responsible for
the truth of the information they obtain from lessees.” 2024
Rule ¶ 35 (quotations omitted). NAB’s members must ask the
right questions, not require the right answers.
Next, NAB attacks the reasonableness of the
Commission’s corroboration requirements. In its words, the
corroboration procedures “cannot remotely qualify as
‘reasonable diligence’” because “almost no lessees are foreign
governmental entities” and therefore they will “not achieve
the[ir] intended purpose.” NAB Br. 52–53 (quoting 47 U.S.C.
§ 317(c)). NAB’s theory is sweeping: Because most lessees
are not foreign government entities, the Commission cannot
seek disclosures from any lessees, lest it impose incidental
burdens on domestic actors. Id. NAB offers no authority for
restricting the Commission in this manner. There is none.
“The Government has long required [industry-wide]
commercial disclosures” to root out bad actors. Am. Meat Inst.
v. Dep’t of Agric., 760 F.3d 18, 31 (D.C. Cir. 2014)
44
(Kavanaugh, J., concurring). Because disclosure rules aim to
inform regulators “about what dangers exist and how these
dangers can be avoided,” Dole v. United Steelworkers of Am.,
494 U.S. 26, 28 (1990), they are necessarily applicable to the
industry writ large.
The Commission reasonably concluded that general
disclosures are necessary to flush out foreign actors. And
despite NAB’s hyperbolic portrait of crippling industry burden,
compliance is unusually simple: A licensee must complete a
one-page certification and ask its lessee to do the same or ask
its lessee to search the lessee’s name on a website.
2. Inquiries Into Production and Distribution Chain
NAB next argues that the Commission cannot ask a
broadcaster to inquire of lessees whether they know of any
foreign governmental entity that has provided an inducement
for and been involved in the production or distribution of
programming. We find that challenge time-barred under the
Hobbs Act.
The 2024 Rule requires broadcasters to ask lessees
whether they “know[] if anyone involved in the production or
distribution of the programming . . . qualifies as a foreign
governmental entity and has provided some type of inducement
to air the programming.” 47 C.F.R. § 73.1212(j)(3)(iii). That
requirement was adopted root-and-branch from the 2021 Rule.
See 2021 Rule at 7719–26 ¶ 31. For this reason, the
Commission questions the timeliness of NAB’s challenge to
§ 73.1212(j)(3)(iii).
The sine qua non of the Hobbs Act is rapid, conclusive and
nationwide dispute resolution. The Act achieves these aims by
establishing a strict sixty-day filing deadline, placing judicial
review in the courts of appeals and allowing for consolidation
45
of multiple disputes in a single circuit. 28 U.S.C.
§§ 2112(a)(3), 2342(1), 2344, 2348. The filing deadline sets
“an outer limit on the right to bring a civil action,” after which
any pre-enforcement challenge to an FCC final rule is barred,
“even if this period ends before the plaintiff has suffered a
resulting injury.” Corner Post, Inc. v. Bd. of Governors of Fed.
Rsrv. Sys., 603 U.S. 799, 812 (2024) (citation modified).
Often, however, an agency adopts a new rule that builds
on an earlier one. In those circumstances, the new rule can start
a new sixty-day clock and a challenger may yet contest the
earlier rule through the reopening doctrine. See Graceba Total
Commc’ns, Inc. v. FCC, 115 F.3d 1038, 1040 (D.C. Cir. 1997)
(explaining that the doctrine permits “challenges to an agency’s
. . . reconsideration of a previously promulgated rule, even if
the period for review of the initial rulemaking has expired”).
To take advantage of the reopening doctrine, a challenger must
point to a “clear” agency intention to “reopen[] consideration
of its authority” to adopt the earlier rule. Bigstaffer v. FCC,
511 F.3d 178, 185 (D.C. Cir. 2007). We “look to the entire
context of the rulemaking” to assess whether “the agency has
opened the issue up anew.” Pub. Citizen v. NRC, 901 F.2d 147,
150 (D.C. Cir. 1990) (citation omitted). That includes “[t]he
language of the NPRM itself,” such as whether it contains an
“invitation to comment on a previously settled matter” and
the “agency’s response to comments.” Nat’l Ass’n of
Reversionary Prop. Owners (NARPO) v. Surface Transp. Bd.,
158 F.3d 135, 142–43 (D.C. Cir. 1998).
NAB takes scattershot aim but not one of its arguments
hits the mark. First, NAB contends that the APA is
unconcerned with a party-specific forfeiture when it comes to
challenges to an agency’s statutory authority. But the issue is
not one of forfeiture but of timeliness. Indeed, the case NAB
cites—Natural Resources Defense Council v. EPA—draws
46
precisely this distinction. 824 F.2d 1146, 1150–51 (D.C. Cir.
1987) (contrasting a rule that goes unchallenged within 60 days
with one that is timely challenged but by a different party,
finding the latter timely but not the former).
Second, NAB asserts that the Commission must defend
any challenge to a new regulation, even one that carries the old
soil of an earlier rule. Again, NAB’s cited authority shows why
that is not so. In Sierra Club v. EPA, we allowed a challenge
to EPA’s statutory authority decades after the agency first
claimed the regulatory power. 705 F.3d 458, 466 (D.C. Cir.
2013). In so doing, we distinguished between two scenarios.
A new agency regulation that relies on a preexisting
methodology does not reopen the agency’s underlying
methodology to challenge, even if applied to new facts. Id.
(citing Med. Waste Inst. and Energy Recovery Council v. EPA,
645 F.3d 420 (D.C. Cir. 2011)). By contrast, if an agency
overhauls the underlying rule itself, it may be challenged
afresh. Id. at 467; see also Nat’l Ass’n of Mfrs. v. Dep’t of
Interior, 134 F.3d 1095, 1104–05 (D.C. Cir. 1998) (explaining
that “substantial revisions” to an old rule that “significantly
alter[] the ‘regulatory context’” and “the stakes of judicial
review” reopen a rule to challenge).14
14
On Sierra Club’s facts, the EPA created an entirely “new
monitoring exemption for a new pollutant” and thus reopened
whether the EPA had authority to create exemptions. 705 F.3d at
466–67. This was not simply the application of the longstanding rule
to a new set of facts but a rework of the rule itself. Here, the 2021
Rule’s diligence requirements (less the portion vacated by this Court)
were not altered. The Commission simply created procedures—the
corroboration requirements—to establish compliance with the earlier
rule. And regarding the production and distribution chain, it is the
substance of the Rule—not proof of compliance therewith—that
NAB seeks to resurrect for a fresh assault.
47
NAB analogizes this case to the second scenario because
the Commission replaced the 2021 Rule with the 2024 Rule.
But the production and distribution chain inquiry remains the
same. The change to the diligence requirements is to the steps
necessary to corroborate that inquiry. NAB cannot bootstrap
an untimely challenge to the inquiry rules to its timely
challenge to the corroboration requirement. See NARPO, 158
F.3d at 142 (“invit[ing] debate on some aspects of a broad
subject . . . does not automatically reopen all related aspects”);
Nat’l Ass’n of Mfrs., 134 F.3d at 1103 (“an agency need not
subject settled policy or established statutory interpretation to
renewed legal challenge whenever it revises a regulation”).
Third, NAB claims that the Commission implicitly
reopened the 2021 Rule to challenge by addressing the merits
of NAB’s critiques during the rulemaking. We disagree. The
FCC narrowly addressed NAB’s comments; it did not solicit
challenges to the 2021 Rule. The Second NPRM informed the
public that the Commission left in place most of the 2021 Rule
and invited “comment on establishing a transparent mechanism
to determine whether the licensee made the requisite inquiries
of each lessee and that each lessee responded in a complete
manner.” Second NPRM, 377 FCC Rcd. at 12005, 12010 ¶¶ 3,
14. In other words, the Commission sought comment on the
reopened corroboration requirements, not the settled inquiry
rules. In response to NAB’s off-topic comments, the
Commission in a single paragraph refuted NAB’s argument
about the scope of the Commission’s statutory authority, see
2024 Rule ¶ 36, but did not squarely address the merits of the
downstream production requirement. Instead, it expressly
stated that it “decline[s] to address challenges by commenters
to the existing rules not under review in the Second NPRM,”
including complaints that “inquire about the status of lessees
and those further back in the chain of production and
48
distributing of programming.” 2024 Rule ¶ 31; see also id.
¶¶ 32–33 (same).
In any event, an agency “does not create a new opportunity
for review” simply by “respond[ing] to an unsolicited comment
[and] reaffirming its prior position.” Kennecott Utah Copper
Corp. v. Dep’t of Interior, 88 F.3d 1191, 1213 (D.C. Cir. 1996).
As we have cautioned, “the reopening rule . . . is not a license
for bootstrap procedures by which petitioners can comment on
matters other than those actually at issue, goad an agency into
a reply, and then sue on the grounds that the agency had re-
opened the issue.” Nat’l Ass’n of Mfrs., 134 F.3d at 1103–04
(citation modified).
This does not mean NAB is without recourse. It may still
“fil[e] a petition for amendment or rescission of the agency’s
regulations, and challeng[e] the denial of that petition” in this
Court. Pub. Citizen, 901 F.2d at 152. What it cannot do,
however, is collaterally attack the 2021 Rule long after the
statutory sixty-day deadline has passed.
3. Regulation of Lessees
Finally, NAB argues that the Commission lacks authority
to regulate lessees under its § 317 authority. It contends that
because § 317 of the Communications Act relates exclusively
to the obligations of licensees, and § 508—which covers
lessees’ obligations—contains no comparable FCC rulemaking
power to the one included in § 317(e), the corroboration
requirements are invalid because they compel lessees to
disclose information absent Commission authority. But the
2024 Rule does not directly regulate lessees.
Throughout the 2024 Rule, the Commission repeatedly
stated that a licensee’s duty is to ask for information, not to
receive it. See, e.g., 2024 Rule ¶¶ 28, 34–35 & nn.87, 89.
49
Seeking to resist this conclusion, NAB clings to stray remarks
in the 2024 Rule that describe what a lessee “must” do to
comply with the certification option. Specifically, the 2024
Rule—in describing the certification option—states that “both
the licensee and the lessee must complete a written
certification.” 2024 Rule ¶¶ 14, 19. It is hard to think of a more
circuitous path the Commission could take to regulate lessee
conduct. In context, these “musts” simply describe the
information that the Commission wants licensees to obtain
from lessees. See id. (explaining that the “musts” describe how
licensees should “seek to obtain from lessees the information
needed”). In other words, the “must” signals what a licensee
must ask for; not what a lessee must do. The Rule neither
expressly nor by implication purports to regulate lessees
directly. Indeed, NAB does not even attempt to find a lessee
command in the equally available screenshot option. Because
the 2024 Rule does not regulate lessee conduct, NAB has no
colorable claim that the Commission exceeded its statutory
mandate and, accordingly, its APA claim fails.
* * *
For the foregoing reasons, NAB’s petition for review is
denied.
So ordered.
Case-law data current through December 31, 2025. Source: CourtListener bulk data.